• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.403-425
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• 2007

The sudden emergence of China as a superpower in world politics and economics is apparently a big surprise. This, however, is not an unusual incident. As far as the Chinese are concerned, they say that China is simply running almost the same track that its neighboring countries. In the recent years, a number of experts and scholars have expected that the emergence of China as a great economic power will be argued as a major issue in world politics and economics. So its economic progress will require experts and scholars to watch carefully how China is going to change. It certainly has created an atmosphere that most of the world leaders, experts and scholars are very concerned about China's remarkable performance in its economics and then willing to accept China's rapid growth as an urgent matter. Many experts and scholars began to analyze carefully the factors that have contributed to the rapid growth. Foreign direct investment (FDI), import-export, and economic reform were then listed as the most important factors. As a result, philosophy of economics, analytical economics, and economics are immediately needed for China who is at the moment very anxious to sustain the stable and continuity of rapid economic growth. But unfortunately China does not even recognize the reason why they need to adopt these economic concepts and methods.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.321-343
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• 2004

In principal, the original form of Eupchi landscape in Naepo reflects a traditional idea regarding direction as a connection with one's fortune and naturalization strategy of power. In reality, the weight for the landscape inside the castle town was distinct by locality according to the conditions of natural geographies and main function of the castle town. In other words, the traditional Eupchi landscape was shaped under the fixed principles but it was simultaneously reflecting the local temporality and spatiality. As Chosun Dynasty went under the Japanese colonization, Eupchi in the traditional period started to evolve into a modem city. That is to say, the traditional Eupchi as a political place became to change into the center of capital accumulation, stronghold of economy and education, and center of town beyond the function as a place for government and administration. Therefore, the process of change from the landscape of Eupchi to a modem city was a kind of revolution in the form and function, and it was also a very rapid rearrangement of social space. The disparate element of landscape and double social space worked as a vital inertial element in the urban structure of Naepo area until the post independence and evolution of landscape.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.68 no.4
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• pp.119-141
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• 2016

This study analyzed on the basis of the norms and experience the Seongnam youth dividend ordinance. Youth dividend pros in the normative dimension to understand in order to achieve social justice. Further, youth dividend can replace the existing policy. On the other hand, the opposite of youth dividend is pointed out that the policy is ambiguous without morally justifiable. Also it has been pointed out inefficiencies means. Youth dividend Pros empirical dimension is a social considerations measures, there is a need for innovation by the failure of existing measures. On the other hand, youth dividend opposed to target efficiency is low, and that the problem is often to the contents of the salary. Because both sides are too contrast, consensus is difficult, can be political point of view is a significant impact. The basic income is a new thought experiment for human self-realization. Therefore, the production social welfare policy personality is a different policy science. That is, it is a long-term care social policy that requires a holistic life support. In addition, a non-empirical policy that requires a material support for the substantial freedom. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the philosophical meaning than scientific evaluation of traditional policy aiming to realize autonomous life. Therefore, radio waves of basic income through the welfare politics and exercise is still important strategy.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.4 no.1 s.7
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• pp.1-30
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• 2004

In this paper, I have attempted to show how the environmental controversy surrounding the Saemangeurn Reclamation Project in Korea has been framed as narrow scientific debates. First of all, science, or specifically the Expert Review Pane, has played dual roles in the controversy. On the one hand, it has contributed to illuminating the future environmental impacts of reclamation, by so doing, to providing a momentum to reconsider the project. This has significant meaning that environmental concerns successfully checked the symbolic national project of developmental era through adopting a joint-investigation scheme that guaranteed participation of environmental groups on an equal footing with the government. On the other hand, by limiting the scope and participants of discussion, it fundamentally blocked the possibilities of public debates and deliberative decision-making with full considerations of the political, social, and cultural aspects of the controversy. I have shown that this is due to the realist belief shared by both the developers and the environmentalists in Korea that 'proper' science would disclose the truth. Environmental groups, in particular, were naive in evaluating the role of scientific expertise in the controversy and neglected the political role of the Expert Review Pane as a ritual. In opposition to the realist argument, I have shown through the analysis of the water quality debates concerning the future fresh water lakes that scientific 'facts' were not discovered but constructed through complex negotiations, conflicts, and compromises among related actors. The framing of the controversy as an experts' debate has resulted in the exclusion of an important actor from the discussion. Little attention has been paid throughout the controversy to the very people who have lived in the Saemangeum area for generations and will lose their livelihood all together soon. About 20,000 fishermen are living on the Saemangeum tidal flats.

• Proceedings of The Korean Society of Health Promotion Conference
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• 2005.09a
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• pp.33-51
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• 2005

역량(capacity)이란 진술된 목표를 수행할 수 있는 능력을 의미하므로, 목표란 그 목표를 성취하기 위해서 요구되는 역량의 구체적 요소, 양, 질, 그리고 역량의 소재를 결정한다. 건강증진이란 문제를 파악하고 해결하기 위한, 그리고 조직이나 사람들이 그들의 목표를 성취하기 위한 응용과학으로 발전되어 왔다. 문제를 분석하고, 문제의 원인이나 결정요인들을 파악하고, 그리고 해결책을 제시하고 이를 실행하는데 있어 효과적인 방법론이 중요하다는 점도 또한 밝혀졌다. 그러므로 효과적인 건강증진의 토대가 되는 방법론은 건강을 증진을 위한 역량으로 정의될 수 있을 것이다. 목표는 매우 중요한 역할을 한다. 평균 기대수명을 향상시키는데 요구되는 능력은 생물학적인 그리고 행동적 건강위험을 감소시키는데 필요한 능력과는 다르다. 그리고 질병의 발생을 예방하고, 또는 상해를 예방하거나 모든 사람들이 좋은 건강상태를 얻고 유지하는데 동등한 기회를 갖는 환경을 조성하는 능력도 다른 특성을 지닌다. 방콕헌장은 현 단계의 건강증진을 위하여 건강에 대한 사회적 결정요인에 대한 해결책과 더불어 건강에 도움이 되는 사회적, 경제적, 그리고 물리적 환경을 조성하여 건강형평성을 달성하고자 하는 목표를 설정하고 있다. 지난 30년간 건강증진을 위한 역량에 대하여 많은 것들을 배울 수 있었다. 이러한 역량을 기르고 확대하는 것이 미래를 위한 도전과제가 되며, 비록 우리가 성취한 것이 많지는 않을지라도, 더 많은 것들이 필요하다는 점은 명백해졌다. 우리는 좀 더 야심 찬 목적을 가져야 하며, 이러한 목적달성을 위하려 좀더 의욕적인 노력을 해야 할 것이다. 전문분야로서 건강증진은 다른 사람들에 의하여 발생된 문제에 대한 대책이나 반응에만 중점을 둔 이방인으로서의 역할을 해왔다. 그러나 우리가 도전해야 할 과제는 좀 더 새롭고, 더욱 야심 찬 활동계획을 설정하고 우리가 건강해지고 건강을 유지하는데 필요한 생활환경, 작업환경, 여가환경, 영적 환경을 모든 사람들에게 제공할 수 있는 가족, 지역사회, 그리고 국가가 있는 세계를 만드는 우리사회의 능력들을 신장하는 것이다. 방콕 헌장은 건강증진을 위한 새로운 일련의 목표들을 제시하고 있다. 이제 이러한 목표를 성취할 수 있도록 역량을 기르는 것은 우리의 책임이 되었다. 이는 원하는 활동수준을 달성하기 위한 역량을 조율하고 확장시키는 것을 의미할 것이다. 구체적으로 기존의 건강증진효과성에 관한 증거들을 좀더 큰 규모의 사업으로 확대시키는 것, 공공정책을 개발하고 건강증진 상태를 평가하는 데 다양한 지역사회의 참여를 촉진시키는 능력, 언어, 인종, 성, 종교, 장애 등과 관련된 건강형평성의 문제를 파악하고 제거하는 노력, 그리고 정책결정과 인구집단의 건강과의 관련성에 대한 증거수집, 국가와 지역차원에서 사회적 의사결정 과정에의 적극적 참여, 다른 부문과의 건강증진을 위한 협력 등이 포함된다고 볼 수 있다. 본 논문은 방콕헌장을 분석함으로써 이러한 역량이란 무엇인가에 대한 본인의 의견을 제시하였다. 이러한 아이디어는 토론과 논쟁을 위하여 제시된 것이다. 명백한 것은 건강증진을 위한 역량은 전략이나 기술적인 능력 뿐 만이 아니라 정치적 능력이나 개인적인 능력도 포함된다는 점이다. 가치와 증거들이 정책이나 권력과 함께 결합되어야하며, 정치적인 논쟁 속에서 연마되어야 한다. 우리세계의 미래는 역량에 의존하기 때문이다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.307-330
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• 2016

This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.14
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• pp.325-357
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• 2006

In diesem Aufsatz wird die Geschichte der Bewertungsdiskussion in Deutschland vorgestellt. Bis zum 18. Jh. war das Ziel der Archivarbeit die Systematisierung der rechtlichen und politischen Kenntnissen. Der juristisch geschulte Archivar hob Unterlagen in der Regel aus $Gr{\ddot{u}}nden$ der Rechtssicherheit auf. Vernichtet wurde, was schon seit $l{\ddot{a}}ngerem$ im Archiv lag. Nach dem Zusammenfall des alten Regimes haben die Archivare keine mehr mit dem Recht des Herrschers zu tun. Und die Archive wurden zu $Lagerst{\ddot{a}}tten$ der Geschichte und Forschung. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ den Ordnung der Archivgut, die aus den verschiedener Dienststellen stammten, wurde das Provenienzprinzip gebildet. Die Archivare richtete sich auf das inhaltsorientierten Bewertungsverfahren, das die wissenschaftlichen $Bed{\ddot{u}}rfnisse$ befriedigte. Der Anlass der Bildung der modernen Archivtheorie war der ersten Weltkrieg. Das Problem, wie man die Massenakten, die $W{\ddot{a}}hrend$ dieses Krieges entstanden, behandeln sollten, $f{\ddot{u}}hrte$ unter dem $Einflu{\ss}$ der Demokratie zur Bildung der Provenienz-orientierte Bewertungsdiskussion. Aufbau, Zielsetzung und Verfahren der aktenbildenden Stelle bildeten den Ausgang der Bewertung. Im Klima ${\ddot{o}}ffentlicher$ $B{\ddot{u}}rokratieablehnung$ der 50er und 60er Jahren wurde die inhaltsorientierte Auswahl wieder die vorherrschende Methodenvorgabe. Diese Theorie, die Booms vertritt, $f{\ddot{u}}hrt$ zu der Theorie der dokumentation strategy von Ende 20. Jh.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.225-232
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• 2021

Nowadays, opinion leaders influence the formation of public opinion on various issues in social network services. There has been a lack of research on the personal characteristics that inspire users to interact with opinion leaders and show intent to act. This paper verifies how the disposition of Facebook users' self-identity affects the quasi-social interaction with opinion leaders on Facebook and the intention to share information. As the perception and behavior of users on social media platforms differ depending on the type of issue, an online survey was conducted by classifying issue types into life culture and political sectors. Research found that personal identity had a significant positive effect on quasi-social interactions in the life culture and politics sectors, while group identity negatively affected quasi-social interactions. In addition, the intention to share information was confirmed to have a significant effect only in the life and culture areas of self-identity (social and group identity). Quasi-social interaction was confirmed to have a significant positive effect on all issue areas. The results of this study suggest the need to consider variations in opinion leader marketing strategies based on the types of self-identity of Facebook users in the future. In addition, the study shows that raising the level of quasi-social interaction at the corporate level without distinction of issue types can lead to effective results.

• KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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• v.29 no.5D
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• pp.605-610
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• 2009

The either satisfaction levels or limits of tolerance levels felt by the users in the certain space/region should be examined for measuring social capacity on the total amount of vehicles. The reliability of measuring social carrying capacity depends primarily on decreasing the strategic responding biases. To induce the honest responses to preferences, Dichotomous Choice which is specifically known as the Double-Bounded Dichotomous Choice was adopted in this research to suggest the measurement methodology of social carrying capacity on the total amount of vehicles in U-do island. The empirical test was carried out the U-do island, an administrative district of Jeju Special Self-Governing Province. The number of vehicles satisfied by the 10% of residents was 390 and the satisfactory vehicle number was decreased to 132 extended to 90% of residents. This research, based on the political decision making criteria, set up the social carrying capacity in U-do island. The vehicle number satisfied by 50% of residents was 227, which meant the same number of residents turn to be supporter in case of political actions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.