• Journal of the Society of Naval Architects of Korea
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• v.59 no.6
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• pp.432-438
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• 2022

This study focuses on improving quality management system of naval ships to enhance safety. Recently, there were problems caused by the lack of quality management system when building Korea naval ships. Foreign naval ships are designed and built through certification by professional organizations in the commercial sector to reduce budget and enhance ship safety. Merchant ships are designed, built, operated and maintained by the organizations in accordance with the Ship Safety Act. When naval ships are exported, the ordering country requires the certification from the international classification to ensure the safety and reliability of ships. Through this study, as a method of improving the quality management system of naval ships, design verification, equipment certification and construction survey using expertise of the organizations are proposed when designing and building the naval ships.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2020.05a
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• pp.385-388
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• 2020

선거 기간 때마다 유권자들은 어떤 후보자에게 투표권을 행사해야 올바른 선택을 하게 될지 고민하게 되며, 후보자의 선거캠프에서는 후보자에 대한 유권자의 평판에 관심을 가지게 된다. 이러한 고민을 해결하기 위하여 본 논문에서는 TF-IDF 기법과 양방향 LSTM 기계학습모델을 활용해 특정 정치인의 분야별 행보와 여론에 대해 시계열 파악이 가능한 프로파일 보고서를 생성한다. 이를 통해 유권자는 후보자의 정치 철학과 경륜에 대한 이해가 쉬워져 올바른 투표권을 행사할 수 있으며 선거캠프에서는 데이터 기반 평판에 대한 올바른 선거전략을 수립할 수 있게 된다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.25-57
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• 2013

본 연구는 초국가주의 개념을 바탕으로 한국에서의 '동남아현상' 중의 하나로 태국음식의 한국 내 전파와 적응을 설명하기 위한 목적으로 수행되었다. 본 논문은 태국문화의 다양성을 구성하는 태국음식의 기원과 특징 및 태국음식이 국경을 넘어 확대되는 동기와 전략에 대해 살펴보았다. 한국에서 태국음식의 위상에 대해 알아보기 위해 한국내 태국식당의 현황을 조사하고, 한국인들의 태국음식에 대한 인식과 반응을 알아보기 위해 설문조사를 실시하였다. 설문조사의 결과는 태국음식의 세계적인 인기와 한국과 태국간의 인적교류의 증가에도 불구하고 태국음식이 아직은 한국인들에게 낯설고 크게 매력적으로 다가가지 못하고 있는 것으로 파악되었다. 그렇지만 한국내 동남아 현상의 확산을 나타내는 주요상징으로서 태국음식은 단기간에 한국사회에 비교적 빠른 속도로 전파되고 있고, 한국인들의 입맛에 맞추어 나가려는 다양한 노력이 이루어지고 있다는 사실도 확인되었다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 본 연구는 초국가적 문화의 확산으로서 한국내 태국음식이 '동남아현상'으로 친숙해지고 현지화 하는 단계를 통해 태국음식이 한국의 문화적 다양성을 발전시키는 데 많은 기여를 할 수 있을 것으로 기대한다.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.191-205
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• 2016

North Korea(NK) has designated the special economic zones(SEZs) since the first one in Rason. But, why have the SEZs in NK still not been developed successfully? This study comparatively evaluated the SEZs in China, Vietnam and NK, with respect to 'context/purpose', 'development/management system', and 'location/infrastructure.' NK's strategies for the SEZs were different from those of China and Vietnam in terms of historical context and development purpose. China and Vietnam chose the market opening policy aiming to reform their national economy, while NK tried the opening policy without the economic reform. This difference made NK's decentralization and location strategies marginal. In spite of the positive land system and tax benefit of NK, the strategies couldn't make a successful result. The implications of this comparative study are as follows. Firstly, NK needs to establish a strategy for the SEZs in accord with the comprehensive and long-term plan for economic development and 'trustworthy and substantial market-systems' being compatible with outside world. For that, NK has to secure the regime stability in political and diplomatic dimensions. Secondly, NK has to carry out policies of decentralization and location of the SEZs more positively. Thirdly, in order to solve the problem related to lack of infrastructure capital, NK needs to utilize a BOT scheme.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.201-212
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• 2016

Due to growing problems securing stable mineral and energy resources with international political and economic changes, China has dedicated itself to strategies and policies to enhance its stable mineral and energy resources security. China has established a rare earth elements(REE) industry policy after the abolition of the REE exports quota system. China's six large REE companies have also been integrated into REE mining, smelting and refining companies. Efforts have been increased to enhance China's energy security through unconventional oil and gas exploration and development investment, as well as effort in R&D. The country will focus on technology development and exploration to promote commercial production of unconventional oil and gas based on countries with shale gas. China is making long-term contracts and joint ventures to ensure the acquisition of reliable mineral and energy resources from abroad. Government of China has proposed a range of initiatives, such as the integration of resources development strategies and environmental development strategies, internationalization of resource management, supply diversification and advancement, strengthening industry linking strategy, grouping and diversification strategy.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.77-106
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to propose measures to respond to NK's nuclear threat by applying the concept of offset strategy in the US and the fourth industrial revolution technology innovation. Through this study, the concept, technology, and organization were examined to find measures to counter the NK's nuclear threat. The concept was to review the US offset strategy and consider the strategy of paralyzing the enemy's center as an operational concept. And the technologies that can support the 4th Industrial revolution and the 3rd US offset strategy. The organization analyzed the implications for the reform of the National Defense Reform 2.0 and the reorganization of the acquisition of the US DoD. Through the US offset strategy review, it is necessary to reconcile the strategic concepts of Korea and the US, and the interoperability of technologies and the cooperation fields of the ROK-US alliance. In addition, it is necessary to strengthen the capability of responding to NK's nuclear threat in connection with the 4th Industrial Revolution and the National Defense Reform 2.0 promotion. It is necessary to develop the concept of operational performance applying the new paradigm for the NK's nuclear issue and to apply advanced science and technology. And that it is necessary to organize effectively in conjunction with the National Defense Reform 2.0.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.377-382
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• 2021

《Mu Yang Ai Hua, 牧羊哀話》 is known as the first Korean-sanctioned novel in the history of modern Chinese literature, and is famous for a novel created by the author himself visiting Korea and being inspired. The translation of 《牧羊哀話》 is constantly being re-translated (4 types). These translations also reflect the characteristics of each period, and the translation strategies used have their own characteristics. The results of the comparative analysis of the four types of translations in this study are as follows. The role A was published during the Japanese colonial period, and some parts were reduced and omitted according to the intent of the translator, and a foreignization translation strategy was used. B, C, and D have implemented content equivalence by utilizing many of the localization translation strategies, and added supplementary explanations in part to help readers understand. Since translation is a process of communication, it should not just convert the source text to the target text, but the target reader's response to the work should be the same as that of the reader. Therefore, translation must be able to understand the environment of the times and the readership, and it must use all possible methods to elicit the same emotion and empathy as the reader has read the original text. Therefore, translators need to use their nationalization and foreignization strategies at the same time based on their understanding of the target language and the politics, economy, history, culture, etc. of the destination country.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.273-310
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• 2020

This study aims at empirically analyzing the overall mechanism of the "Gray Zone Strategy", which has begun to be used as one of Chinese major maritime security strategies in maritime conflicts surrounding the South China Sea and East China Sea since early 2010, and comparing the resulting conflict patterns in those reg ions. To this end, I made the following two hypotheses about Chinese gray zone strategy. The hypotheses that I have argued in this study are the first, "The marine gray zone strategy used by China shows different structures of implementation in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, which are major conflict areas.", the second, "Therefore, the patterns of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea also show a difference." In order to examine this, I will classify Chinese gray zone strategy mechanisms multi-dimensionally in large order, 1) conflict trends and frequency of strategy execution, 2) types and strengths of strategy, 3) actors of strategy execution, and 4) response methods of counterparts. So, I tried to collect data related to this based on quantitative modeling to test these. After that, about 10 years of data pertaining to this topic were processed, and a research model was designed with a new categorization and operational definition of gray zone strategies. Based on this, I was able to successfully test all the hypotheses by successfully comparing the comprehensive mechanisms of the gray zone strategy used by China and the conflict patterns between the South China Sea and the East China Sea. In the conclusion, the verified results were rementioned with emphasizing the need to overcome the security vulnerabilities in East Asia that could be caused by China's marine gray zone strategy. This study, which has never been attempted so far, is of great significance in that it clarified the intrinsic structure in which China's gray zone strategy was implemented using empirical case studies, and the correlation between this and maritime conflict patterns was investigated.

• Maritime Security
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-56
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• 2022

Why has India become a key actor in the maritime-configured Indo-Pacific region? There are some external factors, but for India, its geo-strategic frontier encompassing its geopolitical and maritime interests is expanding rapidly beyond its territorial space across both the Indian and Pacific oceans amidst an increasingly arduous geopolitical and security environment. India must, therefore, acquire the ability to influence events within this strategic arena using all facets of national power, including maritime-military power. Lately, therefore, New Delhi has invested much intellectual capital to review its maritime-security strategy. India's new strategy is premised on the concept of holistic security involving the 'softer' aspects of maritime-security, and a rekindling of maritime consciousness in India, a nation that has traditionally been beset by 'sea-blindness'. The strategy adopts a region-wide, inclusive, and a more proactive approach than hitherto, as is evident in its title 'Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy'. While it deals with the growing concern of new non-traditional threats in the Indian littoral and the need for military deterrence and preparedness, it also addresses the imperatives for India to seek a favorable and rules-based benign environment in its immediate and extended maritime periphery, including through multi-vectored strategic partnerships dictated by its enduring principle of strategic autonomy. For a more profound and comprehensive understanding of India's maritime-security strategy, this paper examines the key unstated and implicit factors that underpin the strategy. These include India's historical and cultural evolution as a nation; its strategic geography; its geopolitical and security perceptions; and the political directions to its security forces. The paper deals specifically with India's response to maritime threats ranging from natural disasters, crime and state-sponsored terrorism to those posed by Pakistan and China, as well as the Indian Navy's envisaged security role East of the Malacca Straits. It also analyzes the aspects of organizational restructuring and force planning of India's maritime-security forces.