• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.133-143
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• 2021

Complicated political situation still plagues charter schools despite their innovative education. Nevertheless, they experienced growth around 2011, yet only a few studies have explored why they had expanded from the political viewpoints. Therefore, using political institutions and political market framework, this study investigated the relationship between political institutions and charter school growth in the US(United States). To do so, this study conducted multiple regression analyses of school growth measured by the number of schools allowed, implementation points, and guaranteed funding. The findings revealed that only governors' partisanship has a significant influence on the number of schools. Moreover, supportive privatization organizations, governors' partisanship, and per capita income affects implementation points. Meanwhile, regarding guaranteed fiscal funding for the charter schools, the teachers' union enrollment rate, governors' partisanship, and per capita income are crucially influential. Finally, the results confirmed that political institutions are also important for education.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-52
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• 2018

This study examines factors that influence adolescents' political trust in Asian societies with special emphases on authoritarian orientations and corruption perception. Previous studies on adolescents' political trust have focused almost exclusively on Western societies. As a result, the impact of other cultural values that are specific to Asian societies, such as authoritarian orientations, on adolescents' political trust has received little attention in the existing literature. Moreover, situated within a socialization framework which argues that political trust is an extension of interpersonal trust, much prior work has ignored the role of adolescent evaluations of institutional performance in generating political trust. The data I use offer empirical evidence that both authoritarian orientations and institutional performance-especially its ability to curb corruption-are independent sources of political trust among Asian adolescents and that the trust-eroding effect of corruption is less salient among Asian adolescents adopting more authoritarian orientations. Additionally, the evidence also suggests that corruption perception is a more important factor than authoritarian orientations in shaping adolescents' political trust in more economically developed countries while the reverse pattern is found in less developed countries.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-148
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• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• 프린팅코리아
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• s.15
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• pp.57-59
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• 2003

관세는 국가가 조세법률주의의 원칙에 따라 법률에 의하여 국가재정의 수입 또는 국내산업의 보호를 목적으로 수입물품에 대하여 부과하는 조세이다. 관세의 전제가 되는 관세선(custom line)은 관세에 관한 법률규제가 이루어지는 경계로서, 정치적 경계인 국경선(national frontier)과 일치하는 것이 일반적이지만 반드시 일치하는 것은 아니다. 정치적으로는 자국의 영역이라도 관세제도상으로는 타국의 영역과 동일하게 다루어지는 자유무역지역, 그와 반대로 정치적으로는 타국의 영역일지라도 관세제도상으로는 자국의 영역과 다름없는 보세구역이나 관세동맹국 등이 있기 때문이다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.5-33
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• 2010

이 글은 대통령제 국가인 한국에서 대통령의 자의적인 인사권을 방지하기 위해 의회가 보유한 동의권한의 절차적 표현인 인사청문회의 정치적 의미, 기능, 문제점, 그리고 개선책에 대해서 논의해 보았다. 이 글은 먼저 세계 최초의 대통령제 국가인 미국에서 대통령의 인사권에 대한 상원의 동의권한이 어떠한 경로로 도입되었는지를 파악하고, 이와 관련하여 이러한 의회의 동의권한이나 인사청문회 제도가 대통령을 견제하는 효과가 있는지를 이론적인 수준에서 검토하였다. 이어서 이 글은 정운찬 국무총리 후보자의 인사청문회를 사례로 연구를 진행하였다. 그 결과 전체적으로 윤리적인 영역의 발언이 많고 질의응답이 특정한 이슈에 편중되는 경향이 있다는 점이 발견되었으며, 이는 부분적으로 기존의 연구결과와도 일치한다. 또한 단편적인 여론조사 결과와 기존의 연구를 토대로 인사청문회는 정부에 대한 국민의 불신을 조장할 가능성이 더 클 수 있다는 추론을 제시하였다. 마지막으로 이 글은 최적의 인물이 인사청문과정을 통해서 선발될 수 있는 방향으로 개선방안이 추진되어야 한다는 점을 강조하였다.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.1-55
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• 2019

In Brazil, racism exists without the clear definition of race. In other words, because there is racism without a clear concept of race, racial issues are complicated in Brazil. Racism is not just a social problem. It is, above all, a political problem that arises from economic separation, exclusion, and marginalization. From the enlargement process of European colonialism, racism has been the most profound and efficient way of governance of social, material, psychological and political domination of Brazil. From this perspective, this study seeks to research racism in Brazil as a race politics. In conclusion, racial discrimination and racial inequality exist in Brazil. Thus, to study the racial discrimination and racial inequalities in Brazil, Chapter 2 examines the origins of racial politics in Brazil. Chapter 3 explores the relations of Brazilian society and races. Chapter 4 examines Black's resistance to racism as a black movement in Brazil. The first half of Chapter 5 looks at 'racial inequality in Brazil' and the latter sees 'racism in Brazil'. Chapter 6, as a conclusion, discusses the challenges and limitations of racial politics in Brazil.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.27-69
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• 2009

This paper studies the logic of fiscal constraints and fiscal autonomy in a political agency model with both moral hazard and adverse selection. The electoral process not only disciplines incumbents who may act against the public interest but also opts in politicians who are most likely to act along voters' interests. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria under shared tax system and fiscal autonomy with fiscal constraints for local public good provision. It is shown that the local voters' expected welfare under fiscal autonomy is higher than under shared tax system if the same fiscal constraints are applied. In order to examine the effects of party's candidate selection processes on the behavior of local politician and national politician, we extend the model to an environment where local politician can compete for the candidacy of national assembly with incumbent national politician. If local politician wins majority of votes against incumbent national politician, then he can move on to serve as a national politician. Otherwise, his political career will end as a local politician. It is the gist of this primary system portrayed by this setup that local politician and national politician compete to garner more votes. Therefore, primary system as a candidate selection mechanism enhances local residents' welfare compared to top-down candidate selection processes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.