• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

Public disapproval of National Assembly is resulted not only from the structural peculiarity of its decision-making process, but from the gap between public expectation of the National Assembly and its performance. While Korean electorate, being interested in politics with relatively high level of political efficacy, hold higher expectation from politics, the National Assembly fails to satisfy public expectation. In particular, irresponsible behaviors of representatives and the crippled operation of the National assembly are responsible for the low level of public trust to it. Institutional reform and individual efforts of representatives are necessary to promote public trust toward the National Assembly.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.28 no.8
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• pp.687-697
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• 2004

This paper is aimed to guide ocean-going companies to reasonable decisions and to increase the competitiveness of Korean shipping industry by clarifying the determinants of political costs of ocean-going companies, which only depend for the enormous amount of money to introduce the operating fixed assets, or the vessels, upon the supporting policy from the government or the loan from the related financial institutions. As independent variables of the political costs, 5 elements were settled such as company size(sales, total assets and market share), debit ratio, capital concentration ratio, profitability(operating profit) and marine risk(sales fluctuation). To verify the relations and the effect level between dependent variables and political costs, the Multiple Regression Analysis Model was applied The result of the analysis shows significantly positive relations between size variables and political cost of shipping industry. Moreover, debt ratio and profitability were proved significant related with political costs of shipping industry.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.207-214
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• 2008

This research analysis politic knowledge, politic awareness and politic socialization medium which influenced forming politic awareness for high school students. This purpose is that we find politic awareness of teenagers and how we teach politic education for teenagers effectively. After analysis, we found that awareness formed through home, school, colleague group and mess media influence teenagers to make their important factor of forming politic and administration and awareness level of politic and administration.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.131-148
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• 2002

This paper explores how international political factors influence the role of conventional external factors in the course of technological learning. The research goes on to investigate whether the role of the techno-economic factors has changed due to the involvement of international political factors in the technological learning mechanism. To this end, this paper examines how US political intervention affected Korean technological learning in the back-end of the nuclear fuel cycle. The export policy, prior consent policy and international political influence of the US are employed as international political factors. The empirical findings show that international political factors are very likely to restrain the impact of the techno-economic factors on technological learning process. Accordingly, this paper hypothesizes that the role of techno-economic factors in the technological learning mechanism is weaker when international political intervention is involved.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.28-51
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• 2012

This study explored the influence of media use on the audiences' intention to vote as well as their political cynicism in 2012 General elections. I offered three research questions: Research Question 1: What is the impact of media use on the political cynicism? Research Question 2: What are the impact of political intersest, political knowledge, media malaise, political efficacy on the political cynicism? Research Question 3: What is the impact of political cynicism on vote behavior? This study analysed survey data. Based on the results of hierarchial regression analysis and path analysis(AMOS), Internet news use was found to have a significant impact on the political cynicism. But the use of newspaper, TV news were not related to political cynicism. The political efficacy decreased political cynicism effectively, The findings from this study indicate that the relationship between media use and political cynicism is contingent on many factors and that cynicism has a negligible impact on citizen participation. This study also found that persons higher in efficacy were less cynical than low in efficacy. This suggest that cynicism is not always bad thing, that it may in fact be an indication of "an interested and critical citizenry". In conclusion this study showed that we need more in-depth analyses on the relationships among attention to media use, political cynicism and voting behavior to activate political participation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.31-66
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional factors and the political environment in which the influence of the president is limited in South Korea's decision making process of the policy toward North Korea. Although the president has the highest decision-making power over policy toward North Korea as a head of state, the president's influence is not always absolute. Many reasons, such as bureaucratic government through the separation of power, the political environment such as divided government or the remaining term of the president,and the specificity of policy act as factors limiting the president's influence on policy toward North Korea. This study analyzed the dynamics of the decision making process of the 'Special Zone for Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea' which was planned by the agreement between the two Koreas in 2007, and examined the influence of the president, limited by the institutional environment and political conditions in the process.

• Nuclear industry
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• v.18 no.12 s.190
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• pp.35-45
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• 1998

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-52
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• 2018

This study examines factors that influence adolescents' political trust in Asian societies with special emphases on authoritarian orientations and corruption perception. Previous studies on adolescents' political trust have focused almost exclusively on Western societies. As a result, the impact of other cultural values that are specific to Asian societies, such as authoritarian orientations, on adolescents' political trust has received little attention in the existing literature. Moreover, situated within a socialization framework which argues that political trust is an extension of interpersonal trust, much prior work has ignored the role of adolescent evaluations of institutional performance in generating political trust. The data I use offer empirical evidence that both authoritarian orientations and institutional performance-especially its ability to curb corruption-are independent sources of political trust among Asian adolescents and that the trust-eroding effect of corruption is less salient among Asian adolescents adopting more authoritarian orientations. Additionally, the evidence also suggests that corruption perception is a more important factor than authoritarian orientations in shaping adolescents' political trust in more economically developed countries while the reverse pattern is found in less developed countries.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.177-197
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• 2018

This paper aims to analyze the effects of external uncertainty on the entry modes decision of multinational firms. On the basic assumption that the entry modes of the firms are dependent on ex-ante or ex-post perceived risk, we empirically analyzed the impacts of perceived risk factors on the investment patterns of firms. We found that the larger the population, the higher the level of GDP per capita, and the larger the trade volume as a ratio of GDP resulted in increased M&A FDI and greenfield FDI. The economic growth rate variables were found to be significantly positive effect on only greenfield entry mode. Regarding the main variables, lower levels of corruption and increased stability regarding political issues resulted in the host country receiving increased M&A investment. However, we found only a positive statistical significance of the political stability variable on the explaining greenfield FDI. Results show that M&A entry mode is affected by both corruption and political instability level. However, the greenfield FDI featuring sunk costs, seems more responsive to political instability.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.183-216
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• 2011

이 글은 잠재적 이주노동자들이 거버넌스에 중요성을 부여하는 정도가 이주의도가 없는 경우와 비교하여 어떻게 다른지를 필리핀의 자료를 이용하여 분석한 연구이다. 2011년 기준으로 전 세계 인구의 3.2퍼센트가 국제이주자이며 이들이 본국에 보내는 노동송금은 4천 4백억 달러에 달한다. 기존연구에서 파악하듯 세계인구이동의 대부분을 차지하는 노동이주의 주요 결정요인은 출신국과 이주대상국의 소득격차, 기존 이주 네트워크, 이주대상국의 이주정책 등을 포함한 경제적 요인들이다. 그러나 대규모 송출국들이 대부분 경제적 저발전과 취약한 정부(ineffective government)의 구조적인 문제를 함께 가지고 있다는 점에 착안한다면 비록 경제적 고려가 우선시 되는 노동이주에 있어서도 잠재적 이주자들이 "정치적" 으로 여타의 사회와 구분되는 특수한 정치적 태도를 가질 수 있다고 생각할 수 있다. 이주자들의 정치적 태도를 올바르게 이해하는 것은 노동이주가 송출국에 미치는 정치적 영향을 분석하는 데 있어 매우 중요하다. 해당 이주자들의 부재와 이들이 본국으로 보내는 노동송금이 송출국 정치에 영향을 미칠 수 있는데 그 영향의 방향은 이주자의 기본적인 정치적 관심과 의제에 따라 달라질 것이기 때문이다. 이러한 배경에서 이 글은 다음과 같은 연구 질문에 답하고자 한다. 첫째, 이주노동의사가 있는 시민들이 취약한 정부능력에 대한 염려가 그렇지 않은 경우보다 높은가? 둘째, 이러한 관계가 성립된다면 그 관계는 민주주의에 대한 지지를 저해하는가? 이 연구는 2002년과 2003년 필리핀에서 실시된 전국적 설문조사인 Social Weather Survey 자료와 2008년 및 2009 년 필리핀 현지조사에서 수집한 인터뷰와 2차 자료를 근거로, 정부능력에 대한 평가와 이주노동의사의 관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 기존 연구가 제시하는 통제변인들을 감안하더라도 효과적인 정부운영이 필리핀이 당면한 가장 중요한 과제라고 생각할수록 해외로 취업할 것을 고려할 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 다행히도 이러한 태도가 민주주의에 대한 원칙적인 지지에는 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 효과적인 정부에 대한 관심이 이주노동을 고려하는 시민들에게 높다는 사실은 장기적으로 이들이 해외로 이주할 경우 정부개혁을 요구하고 추진할 국내적 정치적 기반이 줄어들 수 있다는 부정적 함의를 가지기도 한다.