• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.93-112
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• 2018

The Pyeongchang 2018 Olympic Winter Games is a good example of functionalism in integration theories. President Moon Jae-in is extremely lucky to play host to the Winter Olympics. Moon should be particularly happy to have declared the 23rd Winter Games open, because a handful of North Korean athletes marched into the Pyeongchang Stadium as members of a joint team from "Corea," the result of his strenuous efforts to have the North participate in the world festival of sports on snow and ice. But the president of this divided nation hardly draws envy from other world leaders, as he is faced with the daunting task of accommodating the selfish positions of surrounding powers concerning North Korean nuclear and missile threats. North Korea, a trivial competitor in winter sports, scored big outside the games' sporting arenas by inviting President Moon to summit talks in Pyongyang. As a precondition for a 2018 summit, Pyongyang will first ask for the cessation of the annual joint Korea-US military exercises. President Moon invested a lot in the Olympic delegates from the North. Korea's leader will now have to start a truly difficult game which will require the best of best strategies as well as a great deal of wisdom and tenacity not only to deal with the weapons of mass destruction-toting North Koreans, but also with allies. On the other hand, Moon needs to make the effort to reset domestic politics with tolerance and compromise, so he can better concentrate on the conundrum of North Korean nuclear and missile threats.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.183-192
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze the determining factors (economy, security, domestic politics, administration, and international politics) that affect the ROK-US defense cost sharing decision. Through this, we will gain a deeper understanding of the defense cost sharing decision process and improve the efficiency of defense cost sharing calculation and execution. The scope of the study is ROK-US defense cost sharing from 1991 to 2021. The data used in the empirical analysis were various secondary data such as Ministry of National Defense, government statistical data, SIPRI, and media reports. As an empirical analysis method, multiple regression analysis using time series was used and the data was analyzed using an autoregressive model. As a result of empirical research through multiple regression analysis, we derived the following results. It was analyzed that the size of Korea's economy, that is, GDP, the previous year's defense cost share, and the number of U.S. troops stationed in Korea had a positive influence on the decision on defense cost sharing. This indicates that Korea's economic growth is a major factor influencing the increase in defense cost sharing, and that the gradual increase in the budget and the negotiation method of the Special Agreement (SMA) for cost sharing of stationing US troops in Korea play an important role. On the other hand, the political tendencies of the ruling party, North Korea's military threats, and China's defense budget were found to have no statistically significant influence on the decision to share defense costs.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.236-261
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• 2014

The future role of nuclear extended deterrence in the security alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea is currently a central concern. The gradually lessening role of reliance on nuclear weapons in US security policies broadly, combined with increasing North Korean nuclear capabilities and belligerence, raise fresh questions about the sufficiency of the "nuclear umbrella" as a pillar of the US-ROK defense posture. This article addresses the current and future role of nuclear extended deterrence in Korea in this dynamic context. The article reviews the longstanding trend toward reducing the overall size of the US nuclear arsenal, and assesses developments in US-ROK outlooks toward extended deterrence in response to the Obama administration's nuclear policies and North Korea's recent smaller-scale aggressions. The analysis finds that the challenges of deterrence credibility and allied reassurance are difficult and long-term. The analysis explains how these challenges emerge less from a shrinking US numerical arsenal size than from the sufficiency of specific nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities to meet emerging smaller-scale threats. The analysis also highlights the importance of broader strategic and political interaction in sustaining allied confidence in any joint security posture. The evaluation concludes that a strong US-ROK alliance relationship can be maintained while the size of the US nuclear arsenal continues to decline, in part because nuclear weapons in any deployment configuration are relatively ineffective means for deterring smaller-scale aggression. Nevertheless, continuing adjustment of the US-ROK extended deterrence posture to the evolving, complex and uncertain Korean peninsula security environment will remain an ongoing challenge. Finally, the article encourages further examination of the potential specific role ROK maritime forces might serve in enhancing deterrence of smaller-scale threats while minimizing risks of conflict escalation.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.111-143
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• 2013

Green chemistry is a new scientific field which focuses on the design, manufacture, and use of chemical processes that could prevent pollution and at the same time improve yield efficiency. The few who have written on the emergence of green chemistry have not shed light on the political and economic motivations of green chemistry. As a new study of the emergence of green chemistry, this paper focuses on the relationship among the triple helix of academia, industry, and government which has been critical in the emergence of green chemistry. This paper argues that academia, industry and government created a common ground during the emergence of green chemistry under the common goal of sustainable development since its creation in 1991. Green chemists produced the knowledge to improve the synthetic efficiency to prevent pollution, and the chemical industry used green chemistry research to increase the economic profitability of production system. This specific form of alliance was supported and maintained amid a changing national environmental policy toward pollution prevention and a self-regulatory framework.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.145-152
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• 2019

In the era of the 3rd Offset Strategy led by the 4th Industrial Revolution, the use of robots with AI and autonomous abilities is becoming more active in military field. The 3rd Offset Strategy is based on the technology of the 4th Industrial Revolution, and S. Korea is heavily dependent on US military technology and is directly and indirectly influenced by the military revolutionary strategy and the alliance relationship. There are many issues that need to be addressed beyond technical maturity for both strategies to be successfully applied in the military. However, there are few discussions about these limitations in many studies and media reports in comparison with the advantages of the techniques. This research describes robot ethics & technology unbalance, problems of autonomous functions, display fatigue induced by VR/AR/MR, cyber/network security to be solved for successful strategies, also the solutions are addressed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.55-83
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• 2018

This paper is written to identify the opportunities and risks of the declaration of the end of the Korean War with North Korea. The declaration has been seriously discussed in the course of negotiation for the denuclearization of North Korea especially in 2018. For this purpose, this paper revisits the concepts of related terms such as peace, peace regime, peace agreement and declaration of the end of war. It assesses the background and intention of North Korean request for the declaration. Then, it analyzes opportunities and risks regarding South Korea, if it agrees on the declaration. As a result, this paper found that declaration of the end of the Korean War could provide South Korea with opportunities such as a progress on the North Korean denuclearization, contribution to the peace regime on the Korean Peninsula and improvement on South Korea and North Korea relations. At the same time, the declaration could bring risks such as the dismantlement of the United Nations Command, demands of the withdrawal of US forces in Korea, a possible stop of North Korean denuclearization process and the weakening of South Korean peoples' awareness on North Korean threats. South Korea need to heed more on the risks than the opportunities, because the national security should be handled with caution.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.171-208
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• 2017

This paper is to analyze the type characteristics and prospects of the North Korean nuclear strategy. To this end, the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled introduction; the concept and type of nuclear strategy; the nuclear capabilities of North Korea and the declarative nuclear strategy; the operational characteristics and prospects of the North Korean nuclear strategy; and conclusion. Recently, the deployment of nuclear weapons and the enhancement of nuclear capabilities in North Korea have raised serious problems in our security and military preparedness. Nuclear strategy means military strategy related to the organization, deployment and operation of nuclear weapons. The study of North Korea's nuclear strategy begins with a very realistic assumption that the nuclear arsenal of North Korea has been substantiated. It is a measure based on North Korea's nuclear arsenal that our defense authorities present the concepts of preemptive attack, missile defense, and mass retaliation as countermeasures against the North Korean nuclear issue and are in the process of introducing and deploying them. The declared nuclear declaration strategy of the DPRK is summarized as: (1)Nuclear deterrence and retaliation strategy under the (North Korea's) Nuclear Weapons Act, (2)Nuclear preemptive aggression, (3)The principle of 'no first use' of nuclear weapons in the 7th Congress. And the intentions and operational characteristics of the North Korean nuclear strategy are as follows: (1)Avoiding blame through imitation of existing nuclear state practices, (2)Favoring of nuclear strategy through declarative nuclear strategy, (3)Non-settlement of nuclear strategy due to gap between nuclear capability and nuclear posture. North Korea has declared itself a nuclear-weapon state through the revised Constitution(2012.7), the Line of 'Construction of the Nuclear Armed Forces and the Economy'(2013.3), and the Nuclear Weapons Act(2013.4). However, the status of "nuclear nations" can only be granted by the NPT, which is already a closed system. Realistically, a robust ROK-US alliance and close US-ROK cooperation are crucial to curbing and overcoming the North Korean nuclear threat we face. On this basis, it is essential not only to deter North Korea's nuclear attacks, but also to establish and implement our own short-term, middle-term and long-term political and military countermeasures for North Korea's denuclearization and disarmament.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.107-146
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• 2021

This article examined the current status of performance activities in the theaters in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period, and examined the characteristics and social roles of performance culture at that time.,The cultural space during the Japanese colonial period can be divided into theater space and semi-theater space.,The theater spaces in Ulsan include Daejeonggwan, Sangbanggwan, and Ulsan Theater. The semi-theater spaces include Ulsan Youth Center, Ulsan Youth Alliance Hall, Barrack Youth Hall, Eonyang Youth Alliance Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Inn, Eonyang Public Inn, Eonyang Public Normal School, Seosaeng School, Ulsan Public Aid Auditorium, Night school.,These spaces not only held events or performances for a specific purpose, but also played a role as public spaces producing local discourse. The theater was a complex cultural space where performances are performed along with movie performances, and artists and audiences meet.,Furthermore, the theater provided a special experience of producing and consuming various issues such as colonial modernization, modern city formation, and the emergence of new popular culture beyond the meaning of stage space.,The theaters in Ulsan also functioned as a space to represent the foreign culture acceptance, leisure activities, the performance and viewing of cultural contents, and the artistic skills of local artists in accordance with the purpose of establishing local theaters.,It was a base space for local discourse production and enjoyment activities by holding political rallies, meetings, lecture activities, and various conferences.,Political rallies were also concerts, enlightenment activities were also accompanied by film screenings, and music performances were associated with dance performances and charity gatherings.,In particular, Ulsan Theater, which is the first theater in Ulsan, and the role of the public hall, held a lecture, debate, and oratory for public enlightenment along with performances such as musical drama, children's song contest, fairy tale contest, small-sized play performance,, It was widely used as a large-scale rallying place, and served as a public hall, such as a place to visit outside theaters. Thus, the theater and semi-theater space in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period improved the cultural level of the region, fulfilling the aesthetic needs of the local people and faithfully fulfilling the social role as a public sphere leading the public opinion and agenda.,And it was also positioned as an alternative public area of ​​modern society and also played a role as a public institution.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.67-90
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• 2007

Could STS throw another-colored light on the Hwang's Affair, the scientific fraud committed by Hwang Woo-Suk and his research team in Korea? And could analytic tools of STS unfold another meanings which have been overlooked in most of the traditionally social-sciences-oriented analyses? In this essay, I try to answer these questions by analyzing the Hwang's Affair in the view of STS, especially by using some concepts of actor-network theory(ANT): movement, translation and displacement. I want to say that the Hwang's Affair seems to be a part of normal scientific activity, not an abnormal phenomenon, and as an evidence, focus on the similarities of their life styles between "pure/real scientist" Louis Pasteur and "impure/political scientist" Hwang Woo-Suk. I try to mobilize some concepts of ANT, especially movement, and find out why scientists came to move toward the opposed direction on the pure/real-impure/political line. I suggest that there exists "laboratory politics" as the key factor in this bifurcation. My tentative conclusion is that Pasteur can take a position to make his great world, so-called the Pasteurian world, owing to the success of "double movement" in which he treated his laboratory as a fulcrum to lift up the world, but Hwang degrades himself to "ugly scientific politician" due to the loss of the momentum of his movement; Hwang treated his laboratory only as the symbolic resources and in turn failed to solidify material entities, his real political resources, even though he knew the importance of laboratory.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.11
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• pp.47-58
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• 2012

This study selects political and military decision factors of Participatory Government's Wartime Operational Control(OPCON) Transition and analyzes, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the effects and relations between those factors. Previous research utilizing the Analytic Hierarchy Process(AHP) selected their decision factors based on academic data and field experience, requiring more objective analysis of the factors. For this study, we conducted a survey among security subject matter experts(SME) both online and offline. The results show that OPCON transition's decision factors were to 'recover military sovereignty', 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' and 'improve ROK image through enhancing national power' which differs little from the previous AHP method studies. It also showed that 'recover military sovereignty' and 'set the conditions for peaceful reunification' had no relationship to each other and that the key factor that decided the OPCON Transition was actually 'recover military sovereignty' which represents the interest of the liberal party in ROK. This study finds its meaning by analyzing the decision factors of Participartory Government's OPCON Transition thorugh Delphi and DEMATEL method.