• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2006

China has achieved great economic growth above 9% annual since it changed to more of a market economy system by its reform and open-door policy. At the same time, China has experienced severe ecological deterioration, such as air and water pollutions caused by its rapid urbanization and industrialization. China is now confronted with environmental pollution and ecological deterioration at a critical point, at which economic development in China is limited. Moreover, environmental problems in China have become a lit fuse for social fluctuation beyond pollution problems. The root and background of environmental problems in China, firstly, are its government's lack of understanding of these problems and incorrect economic policies affected by political and ideological prejudice. Secondly, the plundering of resources, 'the principle of development first' which didn't consider environmental sustainability is another source of environmental deterioration in China. In addition, a huge population and poverty in China have increased the difficulty in solving its environmental problems, and in fact have accelerated them. The Chinese government has established many environmental laws and institutions, increased environmental investments, and is enlarging the participation of NGOs and the general public in some limited scale to solve its environmental problems. However, it has not obtained effective results because of the lack of environmental investments owing to the government's limit of the development phase, a structural limit of law enforcement and local protectionism, and the limit of political independency in NGOs and the lack of public participation in China. It seems that China remains in the stage of 'economic development first, environmental protection second', contrary to its catch-phrase of 'the harmony between economic development and environmental protection'. China is now confronted with dual pressure both domestically and abroad because of deepening environmental problems. There are growing public's protests and demonstrations in China in response to the spread of damage owing to environmental pollution and ecological deterioration. On the other hand, international society, in particular neighboring countries, regard China as a principal cause of ecological disaster. In the face of this dual pressure, China is presently contemplating a 'recycling economy' that helps sustainable development through the structural reform of industries using too much energy and through more severe law enforcement than now. Therefore, it is desirable to promote regional cooperation more progressively and practically in the direction of building China's ability to solve environmental problems.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-186
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional conditions and problems for the transition to the North Korean economic system. As a research method, we first analyzed the legislative processes of 4th stage market reform policies (liberalization, privatization, privatization, and corporation) by major economic transition countries. And we found out the difference with North Korea. Based on this, it analyzed the process of institutionalization of North Korea's 4th stage economic reform policies (7.1 measures, comprehensive market policies, Currency reform, 6.28 policy). According to research, There are three important conditions that can not compare the changes of the North Korean market economy with those of the transition economies. First, the internal and external conditions and environment for the transition of the economic system and the role of the state and civil society are very different. Second, the means and objectives of the policy decision process and the implementation process are different. Third, it differs absolutely in terms of the nature and effectiveness of the nation's political and economic policies. Fourth, the priority, contents, and legislation process of economic policies for economic reform differ considerably from those of North Korea. Especially, when discussing the possibility of transition to the 'Chinese model', it is accompanied a considerable risk. It is because the purpose of market entry of control power in North Korea and their survival network are quite unique. In addition, China's domestic market size, population size, and type of control are quite different from North Korea. A necessary and sufficient condition for the transition of the North Korean economic system is the relaxation of physical control mechanisms and institutions in the market area. Next, it is necessary to make a legitimate institutionalization as well as an entire survey on the illegal ownership market. Based on this, it is necessary to gradually change the dependence of the domestic market on China to South Korea. In other words, this is a paradigm shift in the semi-controlled power exclusion, post-automation and domestic market.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.4 no.2 s.8
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• pp.1-32
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• 2004

Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.343-369
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• 2016

This is an attempt to analyze original films of ChunHyang Jun that Shin Sang-Ok filmed in North and South Korea, focusing on the character of MongYong. These films were made during political transition periods of North and South Korea. Sung ChunHyang was made during the second republic of South Korea, which was established after the collapse of Rhee SyngMan government; and Love, Love, My Love was made in North Korea during the period of power transfer from Kim Il-Sung to Kim Jong-Un. Considering these political changes, the character of MongYong seems to represent the figure of authority North and South Korean society of the time had in mind. First, MongYong in Sung ChunHyang has a strong image of a lover who repays ChunHyang's devotion and sacrifice with romantic affection. As an authoritative figure, he has the aspect of a democratic leader or mediator. On the other hand, MongYong's image in Love, Love, My Love is a heroic authority figure of the revolutionary class. He is a subversive reformer who shows love for the people and treats them favorably, gaining public desire. This research is expected to inspire more studies on the meanings of hit movies based on classic literature under synchronic terms.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.233-260
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• 2013

Despite various policies have been implemented to curb shadow education in Korea, it has continued to grow in recent two decades. This study investigates the expansion mechanism of shadow education focused on mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers. The success and failure of policy toward shadow education depends on how effectively it could block off the way by which the suppliers as the most important actors in politics of shadow education market mobilize consumers' anxieties. But shadow education policies have failed in two points. First, they have lacked honest intention to stop its proliferation. The Constitutional Court Decision Against Anti-Out-Of-School Classes Legislation of 2000 widened the windows of opportunity for the suppliers, and 5.31 educational reform of 1995 was neutral to their mobilization capabilities, though seemingly designed to control shadow education. This policy orientation, which reflected neoliberal Gesinnungsethik defective of Verantwortungsethik, stimulated shadow education to expand in that suppliers' mobilization capabilities were reinforced or remained intact. Second, shadow education suppliers have succeeded in mobilizing the desire and anxiety of potential consumers. To cope with government's policy including improving the qualities of public education, realignment of college entrance systems, and meeting the shadow education needs, they have developed various market strategies such as management of existing demands, creation of responsive demands, and squeezing out new demands. They have succeeded in nullifying policies by employing or mixing strategies with effect. Policy decisions in the future need to be made with reference to Verantwortungsethik, and be more cautious to socio-political contexts of Korea, to mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers in particular.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.51-81
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• 2015

The main purpose of this study is to seek better approach which explains reciprocal causality associated with factors causing social conflict and improving social integration respectively. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how social conflict can be solved in South Korea. In particular, government and policy makers in political sector should create an environment of social integration through political reforms by switching from vertical structure to horizontal structure and by encouraging ordinary people to actively participate in the policy-making processes and political activities. In economic sector, government and stakeholder associated with a certain economic issue should induce a change in the economic environment for social integration, focusing on distribution of wealth and employment stability. In social and cultural sectors, it is necessary to solve social and cultural problems (e.g., generation gap and conflict between the young and the old, multi-ethnic families, and lack of communication) by exploring better ways to establish an altruism and to interact with each other. In psychological sectors, PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) will help ordinary people to crate positive thinking and lead to social integration. For instance, political leaders having PsyCap are able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive main influencing on social integration. Finally, the improvement of the system is required because the improvement of insufficient system is the basis for reasonable and equitable social integration.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.435-450
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• 2020

How do Korean people recognize major welfare policies of the Moon Jae-in government? Using a survey of 1,000 adults conducted in December 2018, this study examines what the public thinks about major issues related to welfare policies and what factors are related to variations in their opinions regarding the welfare policies. Results show that the public recognized the roles of government in providing welfare in a positive way. The positive opinion on expanding the coverage of National Health Insurance was the highest. Regarding the resolutions of fiscal problems of the National Pension Plan, there were substantial oppositions to reforms such as insurance premium increase, benefits cut, and increase in the age of receipt of pension benefits. Both efficiency and equality were perceived as important when government makes decision for allocating budgets. Only one-third of respondents agreed Korean government contributed to promoting the happiness of Korean people. Based on these findings, implications for developing welfare policies were discussed.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.111-128
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• 2007

This paper aims to examine into the public document management regulations of Gungnaebu(宮內府) at the last period of Daehan(大韓) Empire. Gungnaebu(宮內府), newly established as a political consequence of Gabo(甲午) Reform, had managed the affairs of Royal Court all through several political changes. Many of the main contents of public document management regulations were established after 1907. These regulations and methods have a significant meaning in that they have great affect on the prototype of today's public document management. Moreover, such regulations include the departments in charge of public document management, procedures for official documents handling, provisions on compilation and preservation, the formulation of records compilation classified table and provisions on records list and lending, in detail. They suggest us many points because they are the matrix of the methods of records and archives management which had been applied through Joseon(朝鮮) colonial government, even after the foundation of Republic of Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.11
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• pp.306-316
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• 2018

This research studies voter's value and attitude reflected by the politician's overall image and scrutinizes the separate structures of the voters' subjectivity on the matter. Objective of the research is to explain the influence that exercises on voters' political actions through this procedure. On this research, there were 32 Q samples that are selected, and they were categorized by a pool of 20 people. Result showed total of 3 different categories of cognition patterns towards Gyeonggi-do Governor Lee Jae Myeong. Of the 3 categories, category 1 (N=4) was a reformer with apparent principles and initiatives, category 2 (N=12) was an efficient tactician with executive ability, and the last category 3 (N=4) was a populist that strives to achieve his political ambition. Opinion of the samples in the first category was that Governor Lee is the right guy for demolishing the barrier between vested class and the non-vesting in the society. Voters in the second category showed expectation for Governor Lee's executive policies that satisfy the voters, given his abilities proven while he was in mayor's office for Seongnam city. People in the pool of category 3 worried that Governor Lee is busy increasing his approval rating and popularity by asserting unrealistic opinions and impractical policies.