• Explosives and Blasting
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.3-13
• /
• 1991

The cautious blasting works had been used with emulsion explosion electric M/S delay caps. Drill depth was from 3m to 6m with Crawler Drill ${\phi}70mm$ on the calcalious sand stone (soft -modelate -semi hard Rock). The total numbers of test blast were 88. Scale distance were induced 15.52-60.32. It was applied to propagation Law in blasting vibration as follows. Propagtion Law in Blasting Vibration $V=K(\frac{D}{W^b})^n$ were V : Peak partical velocity(cm/sec) D : Distance between explosion and recording sites(m) W : Maximum charge per delay-period of eight milliseconds or more (kg) K : Ground transmission constant, empirically determind on the Rocks, Explosive and drilling pattern ets. b : Charge exponents n : Reduced exponents where the quantity $\frac{D}{W^b}$ is known as the scale distance. Above equation is worked by the U.S Bureau of Mines to determine peak particle velocity. The propagation Law can be catagorized in three groups. Cubic root Scaling charge per delay Square root Scaling of charge per delay Site-specific Scaling of charge Per delay Plots of peak particle velocity versus distoance were made on log-log coordinates. The data are grouped by test and P.P.V. The linear grouping of the data permits their representation by an equation of the form ; $V=K(\frac{D}{W^{\frac{1}{3}})^{-n}$ The value of K(41 or 124) and n(1.41 or 1.66) were determined for each set of data by the method of least squores. Statistical tests showed that a common slope, n, could be used for all data of a given components. Charge and reduction exponents carried out by multiple regressional analysis. It's divided into under loom over loom distance because the frequency is verified by the distance from blast site. Empirical equation of cautious blasting vibration is as follows. Over 30m ------- under l00m ${\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}41(D/sqrt[2]{W})^{-1.41}{\;}{\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}A$ Over 100m ${\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}121(D/sqrt[3]{W})^{-1.66}{\;}{\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}B$ where ; V is peak particle velocity In cm / sec D is distance in m and W, maximLlm charge weight per day in kg K value on the above equation has to be more specified for further understaring about the effect of explosives, Rock strength. And Drilling pattern on the vibration levels, it is necessary to carry out more tests.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.40 no.3
• /
• pp.20-35
• /
• 2022

This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.26-44
• /
• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.17-29
• /
• 2006

Purpose: This research aimed to investigate the actual condition and satisfaction of volunteer activity in Australian hospital. Methods: Data was collected by self reported questionnaire from 101 volunteers and analyzed by frequency and percentage, t-test, ANOVA and Sheffe and Pearson's correlation coefficients using SPSS 12.0. Results: 1. Years involved in volunteer work were $5{\sim}10$ years (32.7%), above 10 years (30.7%), $2{\sim}3$ years (11.9%) and $3{\sim}5$ years (10.9%). Types of volunteer work were physical care (32.7%), physical and emotional care (14.9%), and others (18.8%). Types of allocation of tasks were by volunteer coordination (55.7%), and by volunteer preference and consent between volunteer and coordinator (both respectively, 20.5%). Main reasons for volunteer work were to help sick people (61.4%) and to make good use of leisure time (22.8%). Routes to start volunteer work were from his (her) own inquiries (43.4%), from hearing from other volunteers (30.7%) and from mass media (13.1%). 80.2% of volunteers had received some kinds of training or preparation for volunteer work. Suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work were 'very well' (74.0%) and 'mostly well' (18.0%). Reimbursements or benefits received for volunteer work were token or lunch or group outing (31.7%), and token and lunch or group outing (19.8%). Evaluation frequency for volunteer work was occasionally (372%), frequently (30.9%), always (17.0%) and never (14.9%). Relationship with volunteer work coordinator was very good (85.0%). The relationship with other volunteers was very good (81.2%). The relationship with hospital staffs was very good (69.7%) and mostly good (21.2%). Family and friend's support for volunteer work was very good (83.2%). 2 The mean score of satisfaction for the hospital volunteer activity was $3.09{\pm}0.49\;(range:\;1{\sim}4)$. The highest score domain was 'social contact', $3.48{\pm}0.61$, and the lowest was 'social exchange', $1.65{\pm}0.63$. An item of the highest score was 'I have an opportunity to help other people' ($3.83{\pm}0.40$), and the lowest score item was 'I will receive compensation for volunteer work I have done ($1.10{\pm}0.78$).' 3. The satisfaction from hospital volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), nam reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinators (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and support of their volunteer work by their family and friends (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Conclusion: The satisfaction of hospice volunteer activity was moderate. The satisfaction for hospice volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), main reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinator (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and family and friend's support for volunteer work (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Therefore, it is necessary to consider various factors to improve the satisfaction of voluntary work.