• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.91-119
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• 2005

This study examines the perception and trust of Korean society and people among students and adults using the indigenous psychological analysis. A matched sample of 1,107 participants, consisting of 369 students, their mothers and their fathers completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The results indicate that parents more likely than adolescents to hold negative views of Korean society. Adults are more likely than adolescents to view Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism, to be insecure, to be conservative, to be corrupt, and to have social inequities. Both groups agree that Korean society is not rational nor democratic, but believe that it has the potential for progress. Second, parents are more likely to hold negative views about Korean people. Adults are more likely than adolescents of viewing Korean people as overly conscious about social face, emotional, selfish, exclusionary, and conceited. Both adolescents and their parents agree that Koreans are cooperative, full of jung (deep affection and attachment), and sincere. Third, adults are less likely to trust Korean institutions than adolescents. Adults are less likely than adolescents to trust National Assembly, political parties, and unions. Adolescents are more likely than their parents to trust family members, school friends, teachers, and government employees. These results indicate that adolescents have higher trust of Korean society and people than their parents. Fifth, the overall results indicate that both group perceive Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism and corruption. In terms of Korean people, respondents had a more balanced view of perceiving them as highly sensitive to social face and being emotional, while also perceiving them as cooperative and full of jung. The trust of Korean institutions were generally low, especially the National Assembly and political parties. However, the trust of family was very high, followed by trust of school friends and teachers. The trust of government employees was low and this was especially the case for politicians.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.69-82
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• 2015

This article critically examines the backgrounds and meanings of National Competency Standards (NCS) that is employed by Korean colleges for managing performance-based, competency-based curriculum. Findings are as follows: 1) the NCS-based curriculum was primarily adopted to enhance students' business competency for their successes in a competitive job market. 2) NCS is questioned its efficacy to resolve Korean employment issues in a serious economic structure in which a growing number of jobless youth and aged employees and education discrimination are involved. 3) NCS, with its emphasis on the Tyler Rationale and principles of scientific curriculum development, has many criticisms due to its technical approaches to educational processes and needs to be replaced with an alternative paradigm. 4) This article suggests that administrators, policy makers, and educators seek ways to resolve NCS issues considering contextual features of Korean job market and rethinking NCS ideology in the education process. A need for curriculum reconceptualisation is discussed.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.371-392
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• 2006

The studies and concerns of social rights and the security of social rights continue steadily, and extend there range and realms. But not only ideological and political threats on them but also critical views still are widespread. Therefore we need adequate researches on the characteristics of social rights and the meanings of the security of social rights, which are more fundamental. So this study was intended for more precise understanding on social rights and the meanings of the security of social rights through researches on the characteristics of social rights. The characteristics of social rights which this study researched are rights and duties, citizenship rights and social justice, and methodology and ideology. Through this research, I discussed justness of social rights and clarified the security of social rights not to be defined categorically but to be procedural concept. I argued that security of social rights is necessary to realize other citizenship rights such as civil rights, political rights, and I discussed this has to be considered dimension of social justice. And I discussed the necessity and the levels of distribution, which are accomplished not to dimension of simple social security and social welfare benefits but to dimension of human liberties, rights, and equalities.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.354-361
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• 2016

While the amounts of oil spill caused by the VLCC Hebei Spirit indicated 2.5 times more than that of the VLCC Sea Prince, the economic, environmental, and social damages derived from the Hebei Spirit spill were estimated to be about 30 times greater than those from the Sea Prince incident. This study consolidates the appropriate justification for building a multi-purpose large oil spill response vessel to allow swift and efficient handling of catastrophic marine pollution events through an analysis of technical and economic feasibility of such a project. The result of the technical feasibility analysis illustrates that a hopper dredge and oil spill response vessel with a capacity of 4,000 tons should be more appropriate. The result of the economic feasibility analysis indicates that under the most conservative estimates the project appears to be slightly impractical, with a benefit/cost ratio of 0.82, in which self-help efforts, however, can facilitate the project. And medium to optimistic estimates present benefit/cost ratios are estimated to be 2.72 and 5.82 respectively, representing apparent economic feasibility.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.515-551
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• 2014

Recently, there has been a debate as to whether bioethanol should replace some portion of gasoline for fuels in South Korea, as energy security as well as climate change issues are rising as a significant national agenda. However, a considerable amount of subsidy will be required to compensate for the higher price of bioethanol-blended gasoline. In this context, government subsidy will obtain justification only when the positive social gains from consuming bioethanol for fuels can exceed the negative social costs. Through a nation-wide choice experimental survey, we examine if South Koreans have a positive value as well as non-linear preferences on substituting bioethanol for gasoline. The results reveal that the willingness to pay for purely domestic bioethanol-blended gasoline within 10% is about 52 KRW; Koreans have concave preferences on the blending ratio of bioethanol to gasoline. The turning point of the blending ratio of bioethanol was 6.5%. Also, we found inverse U-shaped curve between income and bioethanol choice probability and the turning point of the income was calculated as 250~299million KRW. Politically conservative propensity advocates uses of bioethanol blended gasoline, but awareness on bioethanol or more weights on environmental conservation have significantly negative effects on the choice of bioethanol. However, the design of the survey questionnaire is incompatible with the RFS of Korea and assumes orthogonality among the following four interrelated attributes: (i) domestic or offshore procurement of feedstocks in the case of domestic production, (ii) domestic production or import of bioethanol, (iii) the blending ratios, and (iv) the retail price increases. In addition, the results of model estimation and of model selection test are not definite. Hence, the results in this study should not be directly applied to the design of the specifics of the Korean RFS. Hence, the results in this study require cautions in applying to the design of the Korean RFS policy.

• Strategy21
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• s.45
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• pp.5-32
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• 2019

The paper introduces US Indo-Pacific Strategy and discusses its meanings and implications for international security and our strategy. It tries to look at the Indo-Pacific strategy(IPS) through the lenses of international political theories. The paper provides three important observations. First, the US Indo-Pacific strategy is a declaration of the national identity of the US as an Indo-Pacific nation. The paper argues that the IPS reflects the US leadership that would facilitate the formation of, so called, the Indo-Pacific community. In arguing these points, the paper notes that the IPS has rich elements of constructivist approaches including norms and national identity. Second, the paper observes that the IPS report serves as an effective deterrent strategy. The IPS does not call out China as an enemy. But, it tries to deter against a range of actors including China by warning that whoever violates the rules-based order in the region would have consequences. Third, the paper maintains that the IPS is an effort by the US to mitigate the risk of a great power war between the US (an established power) and China (a challenging power) because the IPS articulates the United States's willingness to work with China as long as it plays by the rules. There will be challenges to the US and other countries in the region including South Korea particularly because of economic interdependence. However, the paper argues that the IPS stands for an optimistic sign of the future security in the Indo-Pacific region because it is a manifestation of the US for its national will to defend the status quo characterized as Pax Americana which has been maintained since the end of the Second World War. It also argues that South Korea also can, and should make the most of this opportunity by enhancing our capacity in national defense.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.115-126
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to understand the utility of election campaign advertising by applying Q methodology that draw upon schematic model in subjectivity study. A survey was carried out among college students to classify the 16 selected Q-statements into a normal distribution using a 7 point scale. The collected data was analyzed using QUANL program, and principal component analysis using varimax rotation was used to identify the types of perceived utility of election campaign advertising. Type I can be categorized by a strong concern for the advertising technique improvement, Type II can be categorized by advocating for interest induction and Type III can be categorized by the truth inducement. The use of Q methodology provides insights into audience perceptions on the utility of election campaign advertising that would not be available through traditional methodologies and offers a foundation for audience involvement to address and overcome concerns about the utility of advertising for election campaign.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2007.05a
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• pp.1645-1649
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• 2007

수자원사업분야 특히, 댐건설사업은 사업시행지역이 유역의 상류인 반면 댐건설의 편익은 주로 하류지역에서 발생하기 때문에 상류지역을 중심으로 극심한 반대가 상존하고 있는 실정이다. 상 하류 지역 주민과 지자체 간에도 댐건설에 대한 입장이 상충되고, 이런 갈등을 정치적으로만 해결하려고 함으로써 갈등의 해결보다는 오히려 새로운 갈등의 원인이 되기도 한다. 또한, 갈등해결을 위한 사회적 합의와 그 합의 결과에 대한 승복의 문화가 정착되지 않은 우리나라에서 갈등해결은 매우 어려운 실정이다. 지난 7년 동안 사회적인 찬반 논란의 중심에 있었던 한탄강홍수조절댐건설에 따른 갈등의 전개과정과 해결노력을 평가 분석하여 봄으로써 향후 수자원사업 분야의 갈등해결에 많은 도움이 될 것으로 본다. 한탄강홍수조절댐은 지난 1999년 결정 이후 2004년 1월부터 11월까지 대통령자문 지속가능발전위원회와 이해 당사자가 참여하는 중재적 갈등조정과정을 거쳤으나, 조정 결과에 대해 승복하지 않음으로써 당사자 합의에 의한 최초의 갈등조정 시도가 무산되었으나 그 해결 노력은 정당하게 평가 받을 만하다. 이후 한탄강댐건설사업은 정부에서 국무총리를 위원장으로 하는 임진강유역홍수대책특별위원회를 구성하여 이해 당사자를 배제하고 관련학회의 전문가 등으로 1년 동안 검증평가한 결과 2006년 8월 한탄강홍수조절댐과 천변저류지로 최종 대안을 제시하였으나, 댐건설 반대지역에서는 아직도 완전히 승복하고 있지 않는 실정이다. 결국 갈등을 해결하기 위해서는 사업계획 수립단계부터 이해 당사자들이 참여하는 협의회 운영으로 절차적 정당성을 확보하고, 한탄강홍수조절댐 갈등해결에 있어서 부족했던 사회적 합의와 승복문화가 정착되도록 제도적인 장치보완과 함께 성숙된 시민의식의 전환이 있어야만 할 것으로 사료된다. 외적으로 하천 유사량 산정과 관련된 많은 경험식들이 제시되고 있다. 하지만, 외국의 충적하천에 기초하여 개발되어진 유사량 공식들을 우리나라 하천에 무분별하게 적용하는 것은 위험스러우며, 유사량 산정 결과의 신뢰성을 높이기 위해서는 무엇보다 우리나라 하천의 지형, 수리, 수문학적 요소들이 유사 특성에 미치는 영향을 알아야 한다. 그러므로, 본 연구에서는 실측을 통한 유사량 값을 하천의 지형, 수리, 수문학적 요소들과 비교 분석하여우리나라 하천에 맞는 유사특성을 알아보고, 기타 총유사량산정 공식을 이용하여 실측한 유사량과 비교 분석하고자 한다.호강유역의 급격한 수질개선을 알 수 있다.世宗實錄) $\ulcorner$지리지$\lrcorner$(地理志)와 동년대에 동일한 목적으로 찬술되었음을 알 수 있다. $\ulcorner$경상도실록지리지$\lrcorner$(慶尙道實錄地理志)에는 $\ulcorner$세종실록$\lrcorner$(世宗實錄) $\ulcorner$지리지$\lrcorner$(地理志)와의 비교를 해보면 상 중 하품의 통합 9개소가 삭제되어 있고, $\ulcorner$동국여지승람$\lrcorner$(東國與地勝覽) 에서는 자기소와 도기소의 위치가 완전히 삭제되어 있다. 이러한 현상은 첫째, 15세기 중엽 경제적 태평과 함께 백자의 수요 생산이 증가하자 군신의 변별(辨別)과 사치를 이유로 강력하게 규제하여 백자의 확대와 발전에 걸림돌이 되었다. 둘째, 동기(銅器)의 대체품으로 자기를 만들어 충당해야할 강제성 당위성 상실로 인한 자기수요 감소를 초래하였을 것으로 사료된