• Korean Journal of Childcare and Education
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.86-107
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• 2007

This research investigated the Korean students' traditional value of children in family, by asking the degree of agreement on the proverbs concerning the notion of preferring a son, negative value on a daughter, and hardness of child-rearing. The findings indicated that in general the Korean students were disagreed on the traditional value of children in family, while many of them still agreed on hardness of child-rearing. We expected that female students were likely to express the stronger disagreement on preferring a son and negative value on a daughter, but there was no difference in preferring a son. Also we expected that the students who had lived with their grandparents would more likely to have the traditional values, but they expressed the stronger disagreement on preferring a son than others. Second, in general the Korean students disagreed on familism. The female students and the students who had lived with their grandparents were likely to express the stronger disagreement on familism. Third, there was positive correlation between familism and preferring a son, and between familism and negative value on a daughter. Fourth, the students who believed that there was no absolute necessity for the child in a family expressed the stronger disagreement on preferring a son, and scored lower degree on familism. There was negative correlation between the ideal number of children in a family and the notion of hardness of child-rearing, but positive correlation between the ideal number of children and familism. And as much as they answered the longer child-rearing period, scored positive value on a daughter.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.18 no.3 s.190
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• pp.48-49
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• 1985

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.87-114
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• 1994

1950년대부터 많은 개발도상국가들은 가족계획을 위주로 하는 인구제어정책을 추진하여 왔다. 특히 가부장제도를 중심으로하는 동아시아 국가들에 있어서는 남아선호관이 출산력 저하나 피임 실천율이 증대에 지대한 유해요인으로 일관해 왔다. Sheps(1963)는 실증적으로 2명의 아들을 갖기 위해서는 약 3.9명 정도의 자녀를 두어야 한다는 연구결과를 제시한바 있다. 이와 같은 남아선호관의 여파에도 불구하고 한국과 홍콩은 1980년대 증반에 이미 1.6명 수준의 저출산율을 이룩하였으며, 1970년대에 인구억제 정책을 시작한 중국도 2명 수준으로 저하되어 가족계획사업의 성공사례로 평가되어 왔다. 그러나 이들 국가들의 출산율은 지난 20-30년이라는 짧은 기간에 너무나 급진적으로 감소된 반면에 남아선호관의 상존으로 인한 성비(여자 100명당 남자수)의 불균형을 초래하게 되였다. 한 예로 한국의 경우 1960년도만 해도 6명 이상의 자녀를 출산하는 과정에서 1-2명의 아들을 둘 수 있는 확률은 매우 높았으나, 최근에는 출산율이 2명 이하로 저하되어 아들을 둘 수 있는 확률은 과거보다 3-4배 어려워졌기 때문에 인위적인 방법으로 아들을 두는 부모의 수가 증가하고 있다. 중국은 1970년대 중반기부터 강력히 추진되어온 소위 "한자녀 갖기 운동"으로 인하여 여아출산인 경우 영아살해 또는 출생의 미신고등 많은 사회적 물의를 야기하였고, 최근에는 초음파검사를통한 선택적 인공임신중절(태아가 여아인 경우)으 경우가 급격히 증가하고 있다. 우리 나라의 성비는 출산율이 급격히 감소된 1980년대 증반기부터 급격히 증가되었다. 즉 인구전체에 대한 성비는 1980년의 103.9명에서 1985년에 110명으로 증가하였고ㅡ 1990년 116.9명으로 증가되었다. 성비는 자녀의 수가 적을수록 높아지는 추세이다. 1991년 조사에서 출산을 종료한 부인의 경우 1자녀의 성비는 무려 206명이나 되고 있다. 이와 같은 결과는 한자녀를 원하는 부인이 아들을 둔 경우 1자녀에서 조산을 결심하기 때문인 것이다. 통계청 자료에 의하면 성비는 무엇보다도 자녀의 출산순위와 밀접하다. 1991년 출생신고자료의 경우 첫아이의 출생시 성비는 106.1명이고, 둘째아이가 112.8명이나, 셋째아이는 184.7명으로 크게 증가하고 넷째 이상의 경우는 212.3명이나 된다. 동일한 출산순위라도 이미 두고 있는 자녀의 성에 따라서 많은 차이를 보인다. 1991년도 3번째 출산의 경우 딸만 2명을 두고 있는 자녀의 성에 아들만 2명 또는 아들과 딸을 각각 1명씩 두고 있는 경우에 비해 높은 성비를 보이고 있다. 자녀를 출산하는데 있어서 처음에는 아들ㅇ르 기다리지만 딸의 수가 증가함에 따라 적극적으로 아들을 낳고자 하는 노력을 지속하게 됨을 알 수 있다. 이는 즉 임신한 자녀의 성이 딸로 판명되면 인공임신중절을 통해 임신을 종결시키고 있음을 의미한다. 최근 한국보건사회연구원에서 수행한 연구결과에 의하면 이미 출생한 자녀의 성구성은 임신결과를 결정하는 가장 중요한 변수로 부각되고 있다. 즉 임신이 인공임신중절로 귀착되는 확률은 부모가 이미 아들을 두고 있는 경우에 일관성 있게 증가되고 있음을 보이고 있다. 따라서 남아선호관은 임신결과를 결정할뿐 아니라 선택절 인공임신중절에 의한 성비의 불균형을 초래하는 주요 변수로써 할거되었다. 특히 피임실천이 보편화되고 선택적 인공임신중절의 이용이 손쉬운 현대사회에 있어서는 남아선호관이 출산력 저하에 저해요인으로서가 아니라, 인위적이던 자연적이던 간에 아들만 두면 단산하는 현행의 출산풍토하에서는 남아선호관이 오히려 출산력저하에 결정적으로 작용하고 있다고 하겠다. 태아의 성 판별을 통한 선택적 인공임신중절의 건수는 1990년 한해에 약 20,000건 정도가 되고, 1986-1990년 사이에 총 80,000건으로 추정된다. 이 수치는 출생한 여아수의 5%에 해당한다. 현재 출생시 성비의 불균형은 연간 총출생수의 10% 미만에 불과한 3번째 이상의 출산에서 발생되고 있기 때문에 인구학적인 측면에서는 큰 문제가 아니다. 그러나 앞으로 출산율의 감소와 더불어 선택적 인공임신중절이 년간 출생수의 90% 이상을 차지하고 있는 둘째, 첫째출산순위로 확산된다면 성비의 불균형은 급진적으로 가속화되어 전통적 결혼관습의 재연등 인간의 생태계를 파괴하는 새로운 차원에서의 사회인구학적인 문제가 야기될 것이다. 결론적으로 성비의 불균형을 초래하는 근본적인 원인은 우리 나라으 전통적인 의식구조인 남아선호관의 상종과 최신의 의료기술에 의한 선택적 인공임신중절에 기인된 것이기 때문에 이를 시정하기 위한 제반 사회제도적 극복정책은 지속적으로 강화되어야 할 것이다.되어야 할 것이다.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.209-219
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• 1994

부모-자녀관계의 주된 역할자인 기혼여성과 어머니(시어머니, 친정어미니) 간에 교류되고 있는 정서적 경제적 서비스 지지의 제공과 수혜를 조사하여 봄으로써 부모-자녀관 계의 변화를 추론해보고자한다. 본 연구결과 기혼여성은 시어머니와의 관계에서는 정서적 경제적 서비스 지지의 수혜보다 제공을 많이 하였으며 친정어머니와의 관계에서는 지지의 제공보다 수혜를 많이 받는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 시어머니와 친정어머니간의 지지를 비교해 본결과 정서적 지지는 제공과 수혜 모두 시어머니보다 혈연관계인 친정어머니와의 사이에서 많이 교류되고 있으며 경제적 서비스 지지는 제공은 시어머니에게 많은 하고 수혜는 친정어머니로부터 많이 받는 것으로 나타났다. 이렇게 친정으로부터 지원받고 시가에는 봉사하는 '친정지원,시가봉사'의 이중적인 가족구조는 기혼여성에서 전통적으로 부과되어온 시부모부양의 의무를 계속 가질 뿐 아니라 친정에도 봉사하며 양가관계를 유지해야 이중부담 을 갖게 되는 문제점으로 나타날 수 있다.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.200-208
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• 1994

본 연구는 한국전통사회의 자녀교육관을 율곡이 저술한 $\ulcorner$성학집요$\lrcorner$를 중심으로 고찰한 것이다. $\ulcorner$성학집요$\lrcorner$ 정가편 교자음에서는 인간의 본성은 선한 것이라고 믿고 누구 든지 노력하면 성인에 도달할수 있다고 보아 특히 교육시킬수 것을 강조했다 즉 애태시켜야 하며 일상생활을 통한 반복학습에 의한 습득형성을 강조했다 또한 유모를 정할때도 인성형 성의 막대한 영향을 고려하여 신중히 고를 것을 말 했다 셋째 교육하는 순서와 학문하는 자 세를 강조하였다 넷째 생활교육을 강조했다 가족에서의 자녀교육이란 일상생활을 통한 교육 이 중요함을 말했다 다섯째 학문을 할 때는 몸가짐과 마음가짐이 성패를 좌우한다고 했다. 이와 같은 자녀교육에 대한 가장 기본적인 사상은 성실함을 바탕으로 하고 있으며 생애학습 이나 자아실현이란 것도 입지를 돈독히 하여 꾸준히 성실한 자세를 갖는 것이 인간의 계속 적인 성장을 가능케 하는 동인이 된다는 것이다.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.83-111
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• 2002

This study examines the structure of intergenerational relationship and its effects on old-age security of the Korean society. Of interest is the effects of the middle aged's attitudes on old parents'security on their intergenerational exchange relationship and on their own old-age security as well. This study also attempts to test the applicability of the social exchange perspective to the study of intergenerational support relationship in Korea The social exchange perspective considers intergenerational relationship as an exchange of aids and rewards between generations. However due to strong norm of filial duty and inadequate welfare system, supporting old parents is regarded as younger generation's duty in Korea This study utilizes a survey data conducted by Kim et al.(2000). Major findings can be summarized as follows. First, the middle aged who gives one-sided supports to their parents tends to have the traditional attitude on old parents' security. It implies that intergenerational support relationship in Korea is not consistent with the explanations from the social exchange perspective. This study suggests a 'chained reward system'as an altermative explaining the intergenerational relationship. Second, an absolute majority of the middle aged tend to think that they are responsible for their own old-age security regardless of the pattern of intergenerational support relationship and attitudes on old parents' security. It implies that the middle aged in Korea holds the status of 'marginal men' who supports their parents but can't take the similar supports from their children.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.175-240
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to understand how the perception and attitude in children's education have changed over the 20th century in South Korea by searching the newspaper articles. The modernization in 20th century brought radical changes in every aspect of Korean society including education. As an educational attitude and policies from the government changed, so did the tones reflected in the newspaper articles. To sum up, there were four (4) principal changes found from this study as follows;Firstly, parental involvement and role as an educator became more important in Korean society and huge generation gap arose in attitudes towards children's education and custody. Secondly, the traditional gender-based roles of mothers' with image of love and fathers' with strength disappeared and mothers' responsibility of children's education were more emphasized during 20th century. Meanwhile, today's society is calling for an immediate return of fathers' involvement and commitment to children's education in the household. Thirdly, as the overflow of information and knowledge in 20th society caused an excessive interest in children's education, there were rising demands for establishing proper views and ideas on children's education. Lastly, the responsibilities of children's education which had been laid on household was expanded to public and government, which can be seen from the fact that an educational support from the government was extended to the children of overseas Korean as well as those residing in Korea.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.143-166
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• 2000

This paper attempts to explore the relation between health care availability and child mortality among ethnic groups with different cultural traditions of sex preference. Micro-data from the 1990 Census of China for Yanbian and Xishuangbanna Prefectures are used. Based on the analysis of data for Koreans, Hans, and Dais in these prefectures, a new model explaining the relation between sex preference, health care. and differentials in child mortality is proposed in this paper. In societies, where health care is easily available, the level of child mortality is not likely to be a function of sex preference. In societies where there is little availability of health care, members of ethnic groups with strong sex preference do whatever possible to assure survival of their children of the preferred sex. But actions to assure survival of children of the sex not preferred by their parents depend on the costs involved and other considerations. Therefore, the level of child mortality for the preferred sex is likely to be substantially lower than that of the not-preferred sex. However, as availability of health care improves and the cost of obtaining health care becomes lower, survival of children of the not-preferred sex are likely to improve. It is generally agreed that Koreans and Hans show strong son preference, while Dais have cultural traditions of daughter preference. In Yanbian, where virtually all children receive health care whenever it is needed, Korean females and Han females show lower child mortality than their male counterparts, although the difference is not found to be significant for Koreans. In Xishuangbanna, where there is little availability of health care, Dai males show markedly higher child mortality than Dai females, and Han females have higher child mortality than Han males. However, small improvements in the availability of health care in Xishuangbanna translate into substantial improvements in survival of male children for Dais, and survival of female children for Hans.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.