• Title/Summary/Keyword: 전승양상

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Usage and Actual State of Unique Massage Therapy of Korea Passed Down in the Form of Ceremony for Treatment of Diseases (치병의례(治病儀禮)로 전승된 한국고유 찰법(擦法)사용과 실태양상 - 잔밥먹이기를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Young-wan;Baek, Seung-Min;Park, Jeong-Hwan;Moon, Su-Jeong;Lee, Sang-Hun;Choi, Sun-Mi
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.18 no.3
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    • pp.75-85
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    • 2012
  • Massage therapy, which is a Seondosul treatment that was prevalent during the time of Goguryeo, has been propagated throughout the general regions of Jeolla and Chungcheong-do with Iksan and Namwon as the center by the residents of Goguryeo who moved down south. In particular, the fact that this therapy was used importantly in the limited boundaries of the general regions of Jeolla and Chungcheong-do has become a factor that enabled preservation of large amount of old formats of the early stage Seondosul treatment. Seondosul that has been passed down the generation continued to function as a folklore remedy in the form of traditional massage therapy that is suitable for the humanistic natural environment of Korea. That is, treatment methods for generalized diseases in households have been used continuously from the ancient society to the modern society in Korea.

仁和寺藏古巻子抄本"黃帝內経太素"に見られる 日本的な誤りについて (인화사(仁和寺)에 소장된 "황제내경태소(黃帝內經太素)" 고권자초본(古卷子抄本)의 전사과정(傳寫過程)에 나타난 일본(日本)에서의 오류(誤謬)에 관하여)

  • 좌합창미
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.17 no.4
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    • pp.64-68
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    • 2004
  • 당(唐)나라 고종시대(高宗時代)(7세기후반기(世紀後半期))에 유행(流行)했던 양상선(楊上善)이 선주(選注)한 "황제내경태소(黃帝內経太素)"가 일본(日本)에 전(傳)해진 것은 현종시대(玄宗時代)(8세기전반기(世紀前半期))였을 것으로 추측된다. 그 후 "태소(太素)"는 중국(中國) 송대(宋代)에는 이미 거의 모두 유실(流失)되었다. 일본(日本)에서도 점차 확실하게 전승(傳承)되지 못했지만 강호시대말기(江戶時代末期)에 이르러 경도(京都)의 인화사(仁和寺) 서고(書庫)에서 재발견(再發見)되었다. 따라서 지금 볼 수 있는 "태소(太素)"에 수록된 내용들은 모두 인화사(仁和寺)에 저장된 고권자초본(古卷子抄本)(이하(以下)에서 인화사본(仁和寺本)이라고 약칭(略稱))으로부터 유래(由來)해온 것이다. 이 초본(抄本)은 1165~1168년(年)에 단파뢰기(丹波頼基)가 직접(直接) 쓴 것이다. 그가 기초로 삼았던 원본은 일세대전(一世代前)의 단파헌기(丹波憲基)가 쓴 것이다. 이에 대하여 살펴본 결과, 인화사본(仁和寺本) "태소(太素)"의 정리(整理)에서 최초에 초사(抄寫)할 때 착오(錯誤)가 있었다는 것을 고려(考慮)할 필요성(必要性)이 일반고의적이상(一般古医籍以上)으로 크다고 말할 수 있으며, "소문(素問), "영추(靈樞)"와의 이동점(異同點)에 대해서도 교기(校記)할 필요(必要)가 없는 것을 응당 지적(指摘)해내야 한다. 그중 상당한 부분(部分)은 옮겨쓴 사람이 일본인이기 때문에 발생한 것이라 할 수 있다. 이런 것들은 일본인(日本人)에 의하여 교정(校正)하는 것이 더 편리(便利)하다고 생각된다. 단지 대륙(大陸)의 문화(文化)가 고대일본(古代日本)에 전입(轉入)되는 과정에서 고대한국인(古代韓國人)의 작용이 컸을 것으로 생각된다. 따라서 "태소(太素)"초본(抄本)에도 "일본적(日本的)인 착오(錯誤)"외에 "고대한국적(古代韓國的)인 착오(錯誤)"가 있을 가능성도 있다. 금후(今後) 이에 대한 많은 연구가 진행되기를 바란다.

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A Study on tradition of Nihonbuyo(日本舞踊) and the Imoto(家元) system (니혼부요(日本舞踊)의 전승과 이에모토(家元) 제도)

  • Nam, Sung-Ho
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.40
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    • pp.71-109
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    • 2020
  • Nihonbuyo(日本舞踊), a typical traditional Japanese dance, began with kabuki dancing and formed many schools, and was managed by Iemoto system. Iemoto(家元) is the head family of a school of a traditional Japanese art. Iemoto(家元) existed after the establishment of the ancient family system, and it was established as a system during the modern feudal period. Especially in Nihon Buyo, the Iemoto system has developed greatly since the modern era. Iemoto System has has contributed greatly to the succession of traditional arts and has been considered one of the characteristics of Japanese society. Basically, Iemoto system considers it the best authority to pass on the skills of excellent teachers without any distortion. It has various forms depending on the field and the school, but it is an organization with a family structure similar to that of a family with Iemoto at the top. In this article, I examined the establishment and background of the Nihonbuyo and considered the succession of the fame and authority of Iemoto through the system of succession. There are so many schools in the Nihonbuyo world that it is said to be a school kingdom. These schools were divided into kabuki actors, choreographers, female entertainers, ChiutaMai dance(地唄舞) and new dance styles, and the aspect of the Iemoto system was examined through the background and characteristics of each school. While Iemoto system has a positive aspect of inheriting the tradition, there are also many negative criticisms in the art world, such as rigid organizational management, the products of feudal society, the power of Iemoto, and the stalemate of arts. Nevertheless, in a Japanese society that places importance on tradition, the landlady system will not disappear easily. In fact, today, when there are many different art genres in common, young dancers are starting to challenge themselves along with self-examination of Iemoto in order to make the best use of traditional art. We hope that through consideration of the Japanese housekeeping system, it will become a place where intangible cultural properties will be re-acknowledged.

The 2009-based detailed distribution pattern and area of Phragmites communis-dominant and Suaeda japonica-dominant communities on the Suncheon-bay and Beolgyo estuarine wetlands (순천만과 벌교 하구 연안습지의 2009년 기준 갈대 및 칠면초 우세 군집 분포양상과 면적 제시)

  • Hong, Seok Hwi;Chun, Seung Soo;Eom, Jin Ah
    • Journal of Wetlands Research
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.26-37
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    • 2015
  • Halophyte distribution pattern and area in the Suncheon-bay and Beolgyo estuary coastal wetlands were analyzed using KOMPSAT-2 landsat images were taken in 2008 and 2009, and field investigations were fulfilled for confirming the precise boundaries of individual halophyte areas. The salt-marsh vegetation in those areas can be classified mainly into two dominant communities: Suaeda japonica-dominant and Phragmites communis-dominant communities. In order to identify sedimentary characteristics, tidal-flat surface leveling and sedimentary facies analysis had been conducted. The sedimentary facies of marsh area are mostly silty clayey and clay facies with a little seasonal change and its slope is very gentle (0.0007~0.002 in gradient). Phragmites communis and Suaeda japonica communities were distributed in the mud-flat zone between 0.7 m and 1.8 m higher than MSL (mean sea level): zone of 1.1~1.8 m in the former and zone of 0.7~1.3 m in the latter. In the Suncheon-bay estuarine wetland, on the basis of 2009 distribution, Phragmites communis-dominant and Suaeda japonica-dominant communities are about $0.79km^2$ and $0.22km^2$ in distribution area, respectively. On the other hand, Bulgyo estuarine marsh shows that the distribution areas of Phragmites communis-dominant and Suaeda japonica-dominant communities are about $0.31km^2$ and 0.031km2 in distribution area, respectively. Individual 105 and 60 dominant community areas and their distribution patterns can be well defined and indicated in the Suncheon-bay and Bulgyo estuarine marshes, respectively. The distribution pattern and area of hylophyte communities analyzed in this study based on 2008/2009 satellite images would be valuable as a base of future monitoring of salt-marsh related studies in the study area which is the most important salt-marsh research site in Korea.

The literary characteristics and material status about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry (시조 한역 자료의 현황과 그 성격)

  • Kim, Myoung-Sun
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.30
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    • pp.241-262
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    • 2009
  • In this study, we will find out and understand of the literary characteristics and the material status about the translation of Sijo into chinese poetry which is the representative genre in Korean traditional poetry. Most of the work was done from 17th 19th century, and there are about 120 literary men who translated Sijo. 759 works are translated into Chinese poetry and we cannot find 135 works' original poetry. Therefore about 900 works are translated into Chinese poetry. One Sijo can be translated into more than 1 Chinese poetry, so there are more translated works. According to this study, there are 1356 translated works in total. Many works are done in piece by piece, however most of them are in series with many poems from 10 to 100. First, some popular Sijo was translated into series. Second, some serial Sijo or some Sijo of particular writers are translated into Chinese works. In first case, there are 22 writers' 27 works of Sijo along with Shinwi's "Soakbu" and 652 translated works. In the other case, there are 30 writers' 26 works of Sijo including 10 "Kosangugokga", which was translated by Song shiyul. There are 511 translated works. A lot of translations of Sijo into Chinese poetry are in various documents. They are in personal collections of works such as "Beonbanggok" in Namguman's "Yakchunjip". The works are in books of poems such as Hong yangho's "Chunggudangok" and Shinwi's "Jahasoakbu". In collection of Sijo like Shin heum's "Bangongshiyeo" in "Chungguyoungwon", there are some translated works as well. We can understand Sijo which we do not know the lyrics now by studying the materials about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry. The materials about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry have necessary value for studying the creation and tradition process of Sijo. In addition, with the materials, we can study the interaction between Korean literature and Chinese one, and also we can study about the changing aspects of Chinese poetry in Late Chosun.

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The development and current status regard to Sijo-chang時調唱 (시조창(時調唱)의 전개(展開)와 현황(現況))

  • Moon, Hyun
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.42
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    • pp.29-68
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    • 2015
  • This article focused on the development and current status of Sijo-chang, the Korean classical vocal genre, which is the text as a fixed form of Korean classical poems. Historically, Sijo-chang has originally emerged from Hyangga鄕歌 during Silla period (BC. 57- AD. 935). However, the current Sijo-chang has been developed from the latter of Joseon朝鮮 period(AD. 1392-1910) in 1800s. Since 1800s, Sijo-chang derived from the Gyeong-je Pyeong sijo京制 平時調, which was established in Seoul, was able to accelerate its musical types and regional characteristics among the Korean peninsula. By setting a clear division of two time periods between 1800s and those periods since 1900s to today, this article mainly explains how Sijo-chang has been developed historically. First of all, in order to appraise the musical styles and characteristics of Sijo-chang in 1800s, comparing the current musical types of Sijo-chang and those printed old score books which has its historical musical characteristics during 1800s is necessary. Secondly, this paper concentrated on the transmitted lineages of representative vocalists among the regional-based Sijo-chang from 1900s to today. During those periods, the Sijo-chang has formed its particular regional-based musical characteristics among the Korean peninsula such as Yeong-je嶺制 of Gyeongsang province慶尙道, Naepo-je內浦制 of Chungcheong province忠淸道 and Wan-je完制 of Cheolla province全羅道. Although it was not a type of regional-based Sijo-chang, as a creation with reference based on certain regional types of Sijo-chang in 1960s, this paper introduced the inheritance process of Seogam-je石菴制 which was made by Jung Gyeong-tae鄭坰兌 named Seogam石菴 as his pen name. Since Seogam-je has been singing as the most influential musical types of Sijo-chang through the mainly southern region of Korean peninsula and even in Seoul, it was highly significant to research it. In addition, this paper elaborately highlighted the developments of various Sijo-chang based on its historical performances, studies, and the composed pieces from the early 1900s or the mid-1900s. In conclusion, in order to set a vigorous development of Sijo-chang, this paper raised several concerns among the future of Sijo-Chang and the significance of its traditional value.

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A Study on the Transmission of 'Soeburi-Song' in Ulsan (울산쇠부리소리의 전승 양상)

  • Yang, Young-Jin
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.37
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    • pp.157-186
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    • 2018
  • Ulsan Soeburi song was reenacted in the 1980s based on the testimony and songs of late Choi Jae man (1987 death), the last blacksmith of the iron production plant at Dalcheon dong, Ulsan in August 1981. The purpose of this study is to analyze Soeburi song from the musical perspective based on 13 kinds of data including video in 1981, and confirm the changing patterns in the tradition process. The derived results are summarized as follows. In the results of examining Soeburi Song data in 2017, the percussion instruments consist of kkwaenggwari 2 (leading small gong 1, follow small gong 1), jing 2 (large gong 2), buk 4 (drum 4), janggu 4 (double headed drum 4), taepyongso 1 (Korean shawm 1), and Jangdan (rhythm) consists of five such as Jilgut, Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi, Jajin Deotbaegi. The vocal songs are sung accompanied by the Deotbaegi Jajin Deotbaegi (beat) of quarter small triplet time, or without accompaniment. The scale is mostly Mi La do's third note or Mi La do re's fourth note, and the range does not exceed one octave. All the cadence tones are the same as La. From the results of observing Soeburi song performance until today after the excavation in 1981, it is found that there are four major changes. First, the composition of the music is differentiated into 'long Jajin (slow fast)', and , , and are added. Second, the singing method is based on 'single cantor + multi post singers' since 1980's reenactment, and a single post singer was also specified from time to time. In addition, , which was performed in 2013, became the foundation of . Third, a melodic change of was observed. All beat structures are quarter small triplet time, but the speed gets slow, Mi La do's three notes are skeletonized to be corrected with high re and low sol, and then the characteristics of Menari tori (the mode appeared in the eastern province of the Korean peninsula) are to be clear. Lastly, the four percussion instruments such as kkwaenggwari, jing, janggu, and buk are frequently used, and depending on the performance, sogo (hand drum), taepyongso, yoryeong (bell) are also added. Jangdan played Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi and Jajin Deotbaegi from the beginning, and thereafter, the Jilgut Jangdan was added. Through these results as above, it is confirmed that at the time of the first excavation, a simple form of such as has been changed into a male labor song, the purpose of which has changed, and that the playability has become stronger and changed into a performing arts.

Transmission Pattern and Meaning of Gyeongbuk East Sea coast Byeolsingut matgut - Focusing on changes in social perception of gut and shaman (경북 동해안별신굿 맞굿의 전승 양상과 의미)

  • Ma, So-Yeon
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.39
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    • pp.393-413
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    • 2019
  • As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

Changing Aspects and Factors of Shaman's Play in Donghaeanbyeolsingut (동해안별신굿 굿놀이의 변화양상과 요인)

  • Kim, Shin-Hyo
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.38
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    • pp.33-69
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    • 2019
  • In this article, I would like to pay attention to the changesofShaman's play as a part of examining the process of changeofDonghaeanbyeolsingut. Currently, Shaman's play can be seeninBaekseok2-ri, Byeonggok-myeon, Yeongdeok-gun, Gugye-ri, Namjeong-myeon and Yeongdeok-gun. Among them, ShamanRitual of Baekseok2-ri is short in cycle and easy to see change. InShaman Ritual of Baekseok2-ri, various Shaman's plays suchasJungdodukjabi(중도둑잡이), Wonnimnori(원님놀이), Talgut(탈굿), Mallori(말놀이), Hotalgut(호탈굿) and Georigut(거리굿) areperformed. Shaman's play carried out in Donghaeanbyeolsingut changesevery time it is carried out. Depending on the degree of change, itcan be classified into passive change and positive change. Whilepassive changes are improvisational, aggressive changes areintentional. Shaman's plays are jungdodukjabi, Mallori, Hotalgut, which are the improvisational changes, and the intentional changesare Wonnimnori, Talgut, Georigut. The biggest change in Shaman's play is the disappearance of the Shaman Ritual. The Shaman Ritual is suspended due to lackofpeople, financial difficulties, religious conflicts or rational accidents. Secondly, the period of separation is shortened or shortened. Thiscauses Shaman's play to be dropped or shrunk to change. InShaman Ritual, changes in Shaman's play are variable andcreative. The change due to the intervention of the spectatorsismainly improvisation. On the other hand, the change bythepreliminary plan of the acquaintance is intentional, and the changeis large. The changing factors of Shaman's play are influenced bythedemands of the times and the recognition of the tradition group. Changes in the traditional environment can be attributed to lackofhuman resources, individualism, changes in the workingenvironment and time constraints. At the same time, givingautonomy to traffickers is a major reason for Shaman's playtochange.

Two aspects of transforming ShimChungJeon for modern times (근대 시기 <심청전> 극적 변용의 두 양상 -잡극 <심청왕후전>과 시나리오 <효녀 심청전>을 중심으로-)

  • Seo, Yukyung
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.33
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    • pp.185-210
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    • 2016
  • This thesis explores how JobGeuk ShimChungWangWhoJeon and the Devoted daughter ShimChungJeon scenario have transformed ShimChungJeon, a notable work of Pansori literature, dramatically for modern times. By analyzing the adapter's consciousness and changing direction in these two works, it was found that ShimChungJeon was tailored to audiences in the 1900s. JobGeuk and the scenario are attempts to transform ShimChungJeon to meet cultural needs in the 21st century and to make the works appealing to the public. The aspects of the transformation of JobGeuk ShimChungWangWhoJeon are 1) reinforcement of logical causality, 2) weakening the humor and simultaneously emphasizing the work's surreal nature, and 3) dramatic expression by song. The aspects of the change in direction of the Devoted daughter ShimChungJeon scenario are 1)the insertion of a new narrative, 2)trying to evoke both humor and tragic sadness, 3)seeking newness with the reassignment of time and events. JobGeuk ShimChungWangWhoJeon is the first example of the transformation of ShimChungJeon's dramatic style and Devoted daughter ShimChungJeon is the first transformation of its scenario. These two works show how ShimChungJeon can be adapted to modern times and new cultures, and how ShimChungJeon can be made relevant and be enjoyed by the public regardless of the era.