• Childhood Kidney Diseases
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.142-149
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• 2003

Purpose : The urinary mass screening program for the detection of urinary abnormalities in school aged population has been performed in Seoul since 1981. Nation-wide urinary mass screening program was also performed since 1998. The aim of this study was to analyze the cause and nature of isolated proteinuria detected by chance on the urinary mass screening test in Busan and Kyungsangnam-do Province Methods : The medical records of 44 cases of isolated proteinuria detected by chance on the urinary mass screening test in Busan and Kyungsangnam-do Province, and evaluated for urinary abnormalities at the pediatrics outpatients renal clinics of Busan Paik Hospital from April 2002 to August 2003 were reviewed prospectively. Results : The cause and incidence of isolated proteinuria were as follows; transient proteinuria 4 cases(9.1%), orthostatic proteinuria 36 cases(81.8%) and persistent proteinuria 4 cases (9.1%). The total protein amount of the 24 hour urine were $121.0{\pm}136.4\;mg$ in transient proteinuria, $179.1{\pm}130.0\;mg$ in orthostatic proteinuria and $1532.8{\pm}982.5\;mg$ in persistent proteinuria. In the orthostatic proteinuria group, the total protein amount of the 24 hour urine was in the range of 40-616 mg. Spot urine protein/creatinine ratio(PCR) were $0.10{\pm}0.01$ in transient proteinuria, $0.61{\pm}0.61$ in orthostatic proteinuria and $4.35{\pm}4.04$ in persistent proteinuria. In the orthostatic proteinuria group, spot me PCR was in the range of 0.09-2.32. Renal biopsy was peformed in 4 children of the persisitent proteinuria group. They showed minimal change in 1 case, membranoproliferatiye glomerulonephritis in 2 cases and secondary renal amyloidosis in 1 case. Conclusion : The majority of isolated proteinuria which was detected by chance on school urinary mass screening were transient or orthostatic proteinuria. Even though the incidence of persistent proteinuria was much lower, it is necessary to take care of these children regularly and continuously, because persistent proteinuria itself is a useful marker of the progressive renal problems.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.253-289
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• 2012

Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2022

The ancient North-East Asian royal garden is divided into three types, located in the north inside the palace, in the north outside the palace, and in the south inside or outside the palace, depending on the location relationship between the royal capital and the royal palace. The first is a typical royal garden that follows the ancient Chinese court system of the Chao-hu-chim(前朝後寢). The second is a royal garden located independently of the royal palace, which extends to Geumwon(禁苑). The third is located in the south of royal palace and is the royal garden specialized in Yurak(遊樂) or Hyangyeon(饗宴). The types of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens are classified according to the relationship between main palace(正宮) and secondary palace(別宮), detached palace(離宮), and Geumwon(禁苑), and each has unique characteristics. The first has been established as the garden of the main palace, including the royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟), Han Chang'an capital(漢 長安城), BeiWei Luoyang capital(北魏 洛陽城), Jiankang capital in Southern Dynasties(南朝 建康城), and Daminggong(大明宮) in Tang Dynasty. Here, the royal garden is divided into Naewon(內苑) inside the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑), outside the royal palace. On the other hand, the second is the royal garden that the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑) are united. The third is the royal garden that forms part of the royal palace or is independent of the royal palace, and has been specialized as a secondary palace(別宮) and detached palace(離宮). China created the model of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens, and based on this, Baekje, Silla, and Japan of Korea influenced each other and developed a unique palace by showing their originality. The royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟) was influenced by royal gardens of Wei-Jin and Northern & Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). And royal gardens of the Sabi Capital(泗沘都城) were influenced by royal gardens of Jin(秦), Han(漢), Sui(隋), and Tang(唐), and royal gardens of Silla(新羅) were influenced by the royal gardens of Baekje(百濟) and Silla. However, each of these royal gardens also has its own unique characteristics. From this aspect, it can be seen that the ancient North-East Asian court had different lineages depending on the region. Anhakgung Palace in Pyongyang(平壤 安鶴宮) is more likely to be viewed as the Three Kingdoms period than the Goryeo Dynasty. However, it is difficult to raise it to the 5th and 6th centuries due to the overlapping relationship and relics of the lower part of Anhakgung Palace(安鶴宮), and it is generally presumed to be the middle of the 7th century. The royal garden at Anhakgung Palace is a secondary palace(別宮) or detached palace(離宮) that corresponds to the palace of Jang-an capital(長安城) in Pyongyang and is believed to have influenced Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) and Donggung(東宮) and Wolji(月池) in Gyeongju. From this point of view, Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) seems to be related to the palaces of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. This study has many limitations as it focuses on its characteristics and transitions due to the location of the palace in the large framework of ancient North-East Asian royal capital. If these limitations are resolved little by little, it is expected that the understanding of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens will be much wider.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.47-75
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• 2021

This thesis looks into the interpretation of the Korean War and mystery genre in Korea in the 1970s by analyzing the special drama , in which the theme was directly related to the Korean War, airing through MBC in 1979. It begins by finding the change in direction in the 1970s when the world of TV was dictated through the heavy censorship and the memory of the war by the government. It also looks at the intentions of the producer who was taking in the new way and the viewers who also accepted this drama and its reflections. In order to gain some insights into these issues, it compares between the drama "The Last Witness" and the original novel by Seong-jong Kim who holds the same time to see the way in which this is dramatized. The drama, "The Last Witness", was produced with a plan to generate a high-quality special drama which combined both artistry and sense of purpose. Nevertheless, as watching TV became a leisurely past-time during this period, TV dramas become more aggressive and suggestive in order to attract viewers. This ultimately was encored with obstacles due to the regime and the heavy censorship at the time. The genre of special drama that is well known in South Korea, is designed as an art form to satisfy both their unique artistry and its purpose. The conflict is seen between the key elements of the artistic drama crated by the producers and the 'encouraged' elements that often are needed to engage the viewers. Thus, more often than not, special dramas defeat the original intention of national harmony, encouraged by the regime. This is due to the 'novelty' aspect which grows from the effort of bringing enjoyment to viewers whilst also trying to achieve the artistic drama to life. Alongside this, crime element in this drama is designed in a way that visually embodies the process of deduction, becoming a new possibility to secure the reality of the times. However, it was also a paradoxical existence since it was indicated as an example of unrefined culture that lost its original intention. In that way, it is worth to think that detective suspense stories, which were not popular in Korea, influenced viewers as a tv drama series in the 1970s through the various elements that compose the genre. They went through a process of transplantation and acceptance whilst also attempting to satisfy the viewers and their encouraged elements to engage them. As is well known, crime drama in Korea has its own style by mixing anticommunism and detective reasoning. This combination is found in the way in which the genre naturally forms through the elements selected and excluded in the dramatization of "The Last Witness". The point is that the special drama "The Last Witness" can be seen as an intermediate form that shows the tendency of transformation from the detective reasoning form alongside the crime aspects as TV dramas began to include anticommunism messaging and investigation in the 1970s. In conclusion, when the detective reasoning is used as an element in a TV drama, it shows the trust of the public system and it constantly seeks the possibility of circumventing the political interpretation. The memories of the war is seen as a tool that neutralizes the dismal imaginations inscribed on the dark side of society and the system. As a result, "The Last Witness", broadcasted at the end of the Yushin regime in Korea, is a strange result which combines the logic of a special drama and the encouraged characteristics of television dramas. The viewers' desire which is the discussion about the hidden traces from the texts needs to be restored again.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.83-110
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• 2010

Dissatisfied customers may express their dissatisfaction behaviorally. These behavioral responses may impact the firms' profitability. How do we model the impact of self regulatory orientation on emotions and subsequent customer behaviors? Obviously, the positive and negative emotions experienced in these situations will influence the overall degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the service(Zeelenberg and Pieters 1999). Most likely, these specific emotions will also partly determine the subsequent behavior in relation to the service and service provider, such as the likelihood of complaining, the degree to which customers will switch or repurchase, and the extent of word of mouth communication they will engage in(Zeelenberg and Pieters 2004). This study investigates the antecedents, consequences of negative consumption emotion and the moderate effect of attribution processing in an integrated model(self regulatory mode → specific emotions → behavioral responses). We focused on the fact that regret and disappointment have effects on consumer behavior. Especially, There are essentially two approaches in this research: the valence based approach and the specific emotions approach. The authors indicate theoretically and show empirically that it matters to distinguish these approaches in services research. and The present studies examined the influence of two regulatory mode concerns(Locomotion orientation and Assessment orientation) with making comparisons on experiencing post decisional regret and disappointment(Pierro, Kruglanski, and Higgins 2006; Pierro et al. 2008). When contemplating a decision with a negative outcome, it was predicted that high (vs low) locomotion would induce more disappointment than regret, whereas high (vs low) assessment would induce more regret than disappointment. The validity of the measurement scales was also confirmed by evaluations provided by the participating respondents and an independent advisory panel; samples provided recommendations throughout the primary, exploratory phases of the study. The resulting goodness of fit statistics were RMR or RMSEA of 0.05, GFI and AGFI greater than 0.9, and a chi-square with a 175.11. The indicators of the each constructs were very good measures of variables and had high convergent validity as evidenced by the reliability with a more than 0.9. Some items were deleted leaving those that reflected the cognitive dimension of importance rather than the dimension. The indicators were very good measures and had convergent validity as evidenced by the reliability of 0.9. These results for all constructs indicate the measurement fits the sample data well and is adequate for use. The scale for each factor was set by fixing the factor loading to one of its indicator variables and then applying the maximum likelihood estimation method. The results of the analysis showed that directions of the effects in the model are ultimately supported by the theory underpinning the causal linkages of the model. This research proposed 6 hypotheses on 6 latent variables and tested through structural equation modeling. 6 alternative measurements were compared through statistical significance test of the paths of research model and the overall fitting level of structural equation model and the result was successful. Also, Locomotion orientation more positively influences disappointment when internal attribution is high than low and Assessment orientation more positively influences regret when external attribution is high than low. In sum, The results of our studies suggest that assessment and locomotion concerns, both as chronic individual predispositions and as situationally induced states, influence the amount of people's experienced regret and disappointment. These findings contribute to our understanding of regulatory mode, regret, and disappointment. In previous studies of regulatory mode, relatively little attention has been paid to the post actional evaluative phase of self regulation. The present findings indicate that assessment concerns and locomotion concerns are clearly distinct in this phase, with individuals higher in assessment delving more into possible alternatives to past actions and individuals higher in locomotion engaging less in such reflective thought. What this suggests is that, separate from decreasing the amount of counterfactual thinking per se, individuals with locomotion concerns want to move on, to get on with it. Regret is about the past and not the future. Thus, individuals with locomotion concerns are less likely to experience regret. The results supported our predictions. We discuss the implications of these findings for the nature of regret and disappointment from the perspective of their relation to regulatory mode. Also, self regulatory mode and the specific emotions(disappointment and regret) were assessed and their influence on customers' behavioral responses(inaction, word of mouth) was examined, using a sample of 275 customers. It was found that emotions have a direct impact on behavior over and above the effects of negative emotions and customer behavior. Hence, We argue against incorporating emotions such as regret and disappointment into a specific response measure and in favor of a specific emotions approach on self regulation. Implications for services marketing practice and theory are discussed.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.6
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• pp.61-77
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• 1965

In this experiment, Akiochi was studied especially on plant growth on the degraded soils. Besides, such soils were carefully examined on its character and plant body was analysed to know the difference in various mineral contents. For this purpose, paddy cultivation was done with the variety Pal Dal at Suwon, Sosa and Pyungtak. Three plots were chosen at each location as the normal and 2 levels of akiochi, a-the stronger and b-the weaker. Harvests from these 9 plots were measured agronomically and also chemically analysised. As for soil, after an observation on vertical section of soil, samples from each layer were also studied both physically and chemically. The results are summarized as follows. 1. Outer changes in rice plant and changes in yield components. 1) Rice from Akiochi soil showed remarkably shortened culm length, head length, protrusoion length, blade length of boot leaf, and coleoptile length, compared with that from the normal paddy field. 2) There was a tendency for Akiochi rice to have more heads per plant. 3) Akiochi rice showed poorer intercalary growth of upper 3 internodes. The ratio of this upper internode length to total culm length was also smaller in this case. Consquently the ratio of lower internode length to total culm length became larger than that from normal peddy field. 4) Akiochi rice showed significantly fewer first spikelets and attached grains of head at main stem. 5) Maturing rate of both this main seem of whole plant body was remarkably lower than that of normal rice. 6) Akiochi rice showed lower head weight of main stem, total hulled rice weight, total grain yield, 1000-grain weight, straw weight and straw-hulled rice ratio. 2. Physical and chemical study on soil. 1) Akiochi soil showed thinner upper layer and total thickness of upper and lower parts was smaller than that of normal. 2) Akiochi soil of Suwon was mainly composed of sand, while that of Sosa and Pyungtak was composed of heavy clay. 3) Chemical analysis indicated that content of $SiO_2$ in upper layer is always lower than that of normal. But no other common tendencies were found. 4) This analysis further lillustrates lower content of Fe, & Mn at Suwon ; of Mn at Sosa and higher content of Fe at Sosa and organic matters at Pyungtak. 5) Some differences in the content of N in each plot could be marked though irregular. 3. Chemical Composition of plant body. 1) Chemical analysis on grain, boot leaf and straw did not suggest any remarkable differences between normal and Akiochi rice, except that the latter contains less Si in boot leaf and less Mn in straw. 2) Contents of each chemical element were measured in grain and straw to calculate the percentage of element content in grain to that of whole plant body including both grain and straw. Here, Akiochi rice always showed lower value in N, K and Mn. 4. Relationship between chemical composition of plant body and that of soil. Akiochi soil at Sosa marked lower content of Mn. This caused another lower content of this element in grain, boot leaf and straw. But except that, no remarkable relationship could be found in this study.

• Advances in pediatric surgery
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.143-155
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• 2002

A survey on biliary atresia was made among 26 members of the Korean Association of Pediatric Surgeons. The members were required to complete a questionnaire and a case registration form for each patient during the twentyone-year period of 1980-2000. Three hundred and eighty patients were registered from 18 institutions. The average number of patients per surgeon was one to two every year. The male to female ratio was 1:1.3. The age of patients on diagnosis with biliary atresia was on average $65.4{\pm} 36.2$ days old. The national distribution was 32.8% in Seoul, 25.3% in Gyoungki-Do, 21.6% in Gyoungsang-Do, 9.27% in Choongchung-Do, etc. in order. The most common clinical presentation was jaundice (98.4%) and change of stool color (86.2%) was second. Two hundred eighty (74.7%) of 375 patients were operated by 80 days of age. Three hundred thirty six (9 1.9%) of 366 patients were operated on by the original Kasai procedure, and 305 (84.3%) of 362 patients were observed by bile-drainage postoperatively. The overall postoperative complication rate was 18.5% and the overall postoperative mortality rate was 6.8%. The associated anomalies were observed in 72 cases (22.5%). One hundred ninty five (64.7%) of 302 patients have been alive in follow-up and 49 (25.1%) have survived over 5 years without problem after operation. Ascending cholangitis, varices and ascites affected survival significantly, and the important long-term prognostic factor was the occurrence of complications.