• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.32
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• pp.119-158
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• 2016

In this thesis we set forth the reasons for teaching classical river novels in secondary education, and investigated the guiding principles for content design of high school literature textbooks. Although classical river novels have great significance in cultural and narrative histories, they were previously consistently disregarded in secondary education. First, we looked at the need for including classical river novels in the secondary school curriculum to create a well-balanced education of classical novels, to link this with modern river novels, to teach the narrative styles and esthetics of river novels, and to let students understand the various cultures of the late Joseon Dynasty. Second, we examined two ways of educating students about classical river novels. For exclusively teaching classical river novels, we recommended the means of teaching and provided detailed guidelines by which they can be taught, as well as provided complete information about the family tree, the story unit, and the scene deployment. To establish the link between classic river novels and their modern counterparts, we recommended the process of teaching accession and transition of tradition by introducing the commonalities and the differences across three generations stories, besides discussing the viewpoints of female writers. When classical river novels are introduced in literary textbooks, students will realize the existence of such novels though they may not understand all aspects of the novels. We suggest that teaching and introduction of classical river novels in secondary education as soon as possible.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.42-57
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• 2017

The Joseon Dynasty (1392~1910) had a long tradition of making official seals to commemorate the granting of official royal titles, including posthumous honorary titles, to its kings, queens, crown princes and queen dowagers. These royal seals were typically gold-plated or made of jade. After the death of its holder, each seal would be stored in the royal seal depository in the Royal Ancestral Shrine. Extensive efforts were made to restore the traditions and culture of the royal family of Joseon during the reign of King Sukjong (r. 1674~1720). In 1705, discussions were held about the royal ceremonial objects, including the royal seals, stored in the Royal Ancestral Shrine, resulting in the reproduction of a set of accessories related with the storage of royal seals and ten golden royal seals which had been lost during wars or had yet to be made. With these reproductions, each shrine chamber of the Royal Ancestral Shrine would have had at least one seal. The details of the reproduction project were meticulously recorded in The Royal Protocol by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals("金寶改造都監儀軌"). Given that the restoration project was the single event that led to the reproduction of all the golden royal seals, it is reasonable to conclude that the directorate had fulfilled a historically significant function. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the establishment of the directorate and the storage and management of the damaged royal seals. The discussion includes the manufacturing process of the golden seals, for which The Royal Protocol is compared with other similar documents in order to gain more detailed knowledge of the measurements of the turtle knob, the lost-wax casting technique, the gold plating with mercury amalgamation technique, and other ornamentation techniques. The discussion also covers the activities of the artisans who made the royal seals, based on a study of the royal protocols; the styles of the artifacts, based on an examination of the remaining examples; and the techniques used by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals to produce the royal seals in 1705.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.9-39
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• 2018

We considered the historical significance and the individual aspects of heroes that are reflected in the historical differences between men and women expressed in the old tales. To achieve this purpose, the paper selects , , , , and as text. Their characters were then catalogued into cultural heroes-Choi ChI-won, popular heroes-Jeon Woo-chI, family heroes-Chung So-jeo, pro-Japanese enlightenment hero-Ilneyomhong and Lee Hyung-kyung. He also tried to achieve his goal by describing the historical significance of the hero's type. China and Joseon were at odds with each other, so their relationship was uncomfortable. It is at the forefront of that concerns this issue. As he was a great writer of Silla, he was able to play a leading role with Chinese writers. We needed Choi ChI-won, a cultural hero, to express our pride that Joseon has a superior culture than China. Joseon was a Confucian society with a strong anti-semitic system. Accordingly, the people were persecuted by the aristocrats for all their centers, and this required a folk hero. He is the leader of the war. Jeon Woo-chI is a real folk hero who solves the people's grudge and wishes through doctoring. As women go back to the late Joseon Dynasty, they change the way women treat men after experiencing war. For this reason, there are novels about female heroes such as <江都夢遊錄>, <朴氏傳>, and <李學士傳>. I think the writer given hope to women who are upset by incompetent men even in their work at the time. Jeongsojeo is a leading hero in the family who is more active than the female lead who is faithful to old wives, but is responsible for helping her husband. Joseon goes through the 淸日 and 露日 wars and is at the center of Japan's prosperity. Japan is the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905 after the Japanese Resident-General of Korea after heavy emphasis put on with the politics. At this time, he published pro-Japanese newspapers and published pro-Japanese novels to highlight pro-Japanese collaborators. It is Ilneyomhong and Yeoyongwoong.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.658-675
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• 2022

With the advent of the OTT platform, the world has become an era in which the same media content is shared and reacted in real time by being grouped into one culture. This study attempts a producer study of web novel writers, who are producers of the web novel market that is expanding into webtoons, dramas, and movies with IP (intellectual property rights) of the original story at a time when Korean K-content such as "Squid Game" and "Weird Lawyer Woo Young-woo" leads the global market. In this study, web novel writers were viewed as producers of commercial media content, not just 'Novelist', and their identities and characteristics of the labor process were examined. Web novel writers began writing web novels as a side job or two jobs, and cited the fact that they can make profits alone without barriers to entry and without incurring capital or facility costs. Although there is no barrier to entry, most writers experience severe failure in their first work, which is attributed to the misunderstanding that the word "writer" is someone who writes what they want in any genre. Web novels are different, so writers go through the process of realizing that in order to succeed by writing web novels, they must be thoroughly in the audience's shoes and write them according to the trends and codes they want. Web novel writers expressed their identity as "story sellers," "story producers," "people who can produce IP alone," and "people who satisfy fantasies that cannot be achieved in reality," and in common, there was a strong sense of being a person who provides stories and makes profits or sales. Regarding the burden of writing a huge amount of web novels, the writer with a high income expressed a generous position that "the income is higher than the effort," but ordinary writers complained of difficulties in the hard work, saying, "It seems like I am working hard on writing that I have to write constantly.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.24-33
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• 2022

The travel notes and nature poems found in historic literary men's works can be considered historical records related to scenic sites. Such travel notes and nature poems are based on the writers' personal characters, experiences, learning and etc. Such works clearly show the characters of each literature, information of the related objects and the writers' thoughts of the objects. This study, thus, looked into Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that could be the origin of Eobusa(漁父詞) loved and sung by Korean historic literary men, and found that the Korean and Chinese literary men's thoughts were shown through their ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain and their Euisang on the mountain, which was different between the Korean and Chinese literary men depending on the geographical locations described in their poems. In detail, the study results are: 1. Such difference of the ways to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain, the scenic site described in historic Korean and Chinese literary men's work is broadly classified into the ways to enjoy the scenic site by seeing it in person and the ways to enjoy it under the mental structure of speculation. 2. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wuxing is the background of Yújiāzi(漁家子) of the painting Zhāngzhìhé, is boasting its distinguished beautiful nature, and is the place where the Confucian Study of Hú(湖學) was originated. It is also the place known of its warmhearted climate. Therefore, Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain under such beautiful and warmhearted circumstance are realized as the complete freedom and seclusion in Taoism and the satisfaction with the given environment and position in Confucianism. 3. Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng is a military strategic point with rugged mountain terrain and scenery that has been a historic ferocious battlefield and related with the loyal civil servant Qū Yuán. The Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain in Wǔchāng, therefore, represents the nature scenery of a rugged fortress and patriotism of Confucianism. 4. The Korean literary men's way to enjoy Xīsāishān Mountain is Shinyu(神遊: spiritual travel), so that their Euisang is formed according to the direction of the writer's values. Especially it is noted that Korean Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain is originally based on the painting Zhāngzhìhé that shows the complete free mood of Taoism; and the Euisang on Xīsāishān Mountain that came from the mindful image by the poet monk Qíjǐ of Tang dynasty and Kim Si-seup appears with such Buddhist ways to seek the truth as SakGongIlYeo(色空一如: Being full is essentially as same as being vacant) and GyeonSeongSeongBul(見性成佛: Everybody can become Buddha by enlightenment).

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.55-85
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• 2019

In this article, we examine the real meaning behind the stories in which the N-po Generation (Millennial Generation) is depicted, through the observation of entertainment programs, TV series, and movies. This could be an opportunity to investigate the aspects of emotional customs of our era, which have been described by television media as portraying the complex and multifaceted reality in the most mundane and popular manner while influencing the public. Problems with youth unemployment, the polarization of life, and instability are not only global issues but situations that specifically occur in South Korea. It is thus vital to pay attention to the inner side of the N-po Generation who enjoy Sohwakhaeng (small but certain happiness) by eating alone as the placebo effect of this tough reality. This is an agenda that should be viewed as a problem in the fundamental design of South Korean society. The consciousness of the problem shown in the TV series has been drawing attention. The TV series Because depicts a love narrative that concentrates on emotions in a relationship that started between housemates due to poverty and housing problems, leading to marriage. Thus, the TV series persuasively dramatized 'confluent love' in the N-po Generation. In the movie , Miso can be regarded as a symbol that represents the emergence of a new generation of cultural sensitivity. There is a suggestion in the sequence of that identifies the pursuit of taste with the discovery of identity. The TV series is a growth narrative that deals heavily with youth unemployment, temporary workers, fragmented families, and dating violence. The housemates in find emotional stability through interaction with each other, and courageously approach their individual problems. In the process, images of women, who are empathetic towards others and are willing to jointly solve their problems, are calmly depicted to reveal a story of growth revolving around a ground emotional community. The current problem that South Korean society should contemplate is how to be fully human beyond mere survival, and how to further seek the conditions of human existence. In that sense, what we should pursue is a notion of 'publicness', which can put several generations together. Because of the reality that confliction between generations must be triggered, in order to make a passage of sympathizing, mass media's sensitivity training becomes more important. This may be the duty of mass media.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.24
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• pp.5-46
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• 2006

Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.