• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.110-131
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• 2004

The goal of the study is to analyze aggressive attempts of China and Japan to construct the Siberia oil pipeline in a direction to its advantage from the political economic perspective. The pipeline is to affect significantly energy Policies in the Northeast Asia in the future. First this Paper reviews the ongoing Processes of the Pipeline construction thus far. Next, domestic and foreign factors in Russia which are related to the laying of the pipeline, were taken into consideration. Applicability of the mercantilist and liberalist approaches to the energy supply of Russia were examined in the situation. As a result, the dualistic approach in energy supply was found to be limited in its real applicabilities and the political economic approach proved to be more suitable in that Russia currently seeks economic security in Northeast Asia. Finally the implications of the Siberia oil pipeline construction were suggested for the current energy situation in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.6 s.111
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• pp.671-693
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• 2005

This paper is to explore critically environmentalism, especially in terms of environmental justice, suggested or implied in theory of liberalism which has been the ideological foundation of contemporary society. It begins with a brief look at liberal perspective in a broad sense, then interprets in-depth the classical liberalism of J. Locke, libertarianism (esp. R. Nozick) and utilitarianism (including cost-benefit analysis) from the environmental point of view. And finally it considers liberal pluralism and other alternative theories of pluralism, especially communitarianism (esp M. Walzer), postmodern pluralism (esp. I. Young), and cultural pluralism (esp. C. Taylor) in order to overcome limitations of liberal environmentalism and to find out some clues for theory of environmental justice. In conclusion, this paper argues that we need to transfer from liberalism (including liberal pluralism) to critical pluralism in oder to develop a proper understanding of environmental problems and to conceptualize a desirable theory of environmental justice.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.456-466
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• 2014

This is a study of George Lindbeck's postliberalism that views religion as a cultural-linguistic approach. Knowing that the conceptual-propositional approach of the traditional Christian theology and the experiential-expressive approach of liberalism cannot be a solution for the post-modem religious phenomenon, George Lindbeck proposes an alternative. He proposes a cultural-linguistic approach to overcome the previous approaches. The first insight of Lindbeck's postliberalism is to understand religion as culture or language, because human beings become acquainted with a religion as they learn a language. The second insight comes out of the first, to understand doctrine as grammar. If we understand religion and doctrine this way the troubles and conflicts among religions will be resolved naturally, because each religion can be interpreted in its own system just as a language cannot be said to be good or bad, right or wrong. This approach makes several contributions as follows: it promotes a dialogue among religions, it emphasizes practice; and it preserves the Bible as an authoritative theological text. However it also brings many limitations as follows: it emphasizes the church's interpretation rather than the text's own interpretation; it views the truth simply as coherence; it promotes radical relativism and elitism; and through theological eschatology he makes his theory return to a propositionalism. Accordingly, the researcher concludes that Lindbeck's cultural-linguistic theory of religion is not an alternative that overcomes the limitations of theological conservativism and liberalism.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.295-315
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to analyse the ethical basis of two influential global citizenship idea - Rawls' liberal approach and cosmopolitan republicanism - as a theory on global justice. In the aspect of deontology, Rawls' view has the limit not to reflect reciprocal obligation and duty on civil right in the era of economic globalization that inequality has been structured. But cosmopolitan republicanism has the basis of deontological justification because advocates the realization of anti-domination principle at global level. In the aspect of utilitarianism, Rawls attempts to justify the logic rejecting redistribution intra nations. But cosmopolitan republicanism has the potential to decrease maleficence at global level and to increase utility level through overcoming the structured sacrifice of the citizens of developing countries.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.123
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• pp.111-134
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• 2012

The article aims to elaborate on the fundamental insights of Hegel's political philosophy from a 'public freedom theory and public philosophy' perspective. The article is based on the understanding that Hegel's theory of freedom desires public freedom, and explains the contemporary meanings of the theory of freedom. The article critiques two subjects based on the interpretation of Hegel's public philosophy-the first is atomistic individualism and the other is the absolute alterity theory supported by Levinas and Derrida. In other words, through this article the author emphasizes that Hegel's public freedom theory clearly illustrates the limitations of atomistic individualism, and goes on to provide a subject theory that includes a dual/multiple theory on 'the other' that is distinct from the Levinas-Derrida approach.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.76
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• pp.305-329
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• 2010

The problem of freedom is inseparably related to human life. It makes this not to be regarded as a problem restricted to the professional domain of ethics. It suggests rather that the problem of freedom is intimately connected with the philosophical groundwork for discussing the future direction of society, culture and science, and its regulative idea, a philosophical discussion which comes up inevitably with various social, economic and political problems, and problems related to the spirit of law. In this view, when we want to explain the problem of freedom as a fundamental one in reference to future direction of humanities and to find out a solution to this, our research only in accordance with the approach of history of philosophy runs into difficulties. The reason is that the problem of freedom has nowness together with historicity. Finding this problem to be a present one in our concrete human life, we can discuss it more meaningful under the methodological frame changed and developed by philosophical reflections since the modern age. And here I think a culturalistic approach reinterpreting hermeneutic insight and pragmatistic context methodologically can provide a pertinent clue for a theoretical work to investigate the problem of freedom and to find a solution to that because this approach considers historicity and nowness. For this purpose analysing truth intersubjectively and understanding freedom critically, this article tries to reconstruct symbolic interpretation and the concept of self constructed in community of language and action as a cultural horizon of freedom.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.458-473
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• 2005

This paper begins with a critique that researches of geography education in Korea have not reflected the ideological debates in education and geography. The purpose of this paper is to figure implications for socially-critical geography education being studied in England as openly-ideological approach. First, ideological viewpoints of geography education was categorized through analysis of ideology in education and geography. Especially, a limit of conservative and liberal approach is indicated, socially-critical viewpoint is intrinsically justified as alternative logic. Socially-critical theorizing can change teacher's role as an agent of curriculum change and their conduct knowledge as well as geography curriculum. Second, (social) concern-oriented geography education to be more concerned to 'the social' can be realized through the third space approach and committed geography education as critical pedagogy. And, critical literacy is needed to teachers and students for practice of socially-critical geography education.

• Journal of the Korean hospital association
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• v.37 no.1 s.311
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• pp.113-132
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• 2008

의료에서 국가주의적 접근의 규제와 평등이란 지금까지의 틀에서 벗어나 세계화된 변화의 시대에 부응하기 위한 새로운 전략을 수립하여야 한다. 획일적이며 통제 일변도의 의료정책에서 탈바꿈하여 자유시장경제 원리를 적용하고 패러다임을 전환하여 한국 의료의 발전방향을 모색해야 할 때이다. 새정부 출범을 기점으로 경영난의 사슬을 끊고, 병원 활성화를 통한 국민 건강향상이란 의료 본연의 미션을 힘차게 펼쳐보기 위한 방안을 각급 병원 직능 대표 방담으로 풀어보았다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.131-156
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• 2018

This paper is mainly an attempt to approach and rethink regionalism and regional organizations, as a new political phenomenon of our modern world politics, by focusing on the way regime types influence the identity building of Maghreb Arab Unionregional organization in North Africa. The focus of this paper will be on the importance of domestic politics as a non-conventional way of studying regionalism. And unlike many studies of regionalism, generally emphasized by realists and liberalists that focus either on security or economy as an outcome of the old regionalism paradigm, this paper will emphasize domestic politics as a guiding line to understand the regional one.