• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.155-173
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• 2000

The diagnosis in Oriental medicine is done by inspection, auscultation and olfaction, interrogation, four diagnostics of pulse feeling and palpation, and various system of identification like identification according to Qi(vital energy), Xue and body fluids, identification according to fair principles, identification according to principles of Wei, Qi, Ying and Xue, identification according to Sanjiao(the triple heater), identification according to four type physical constitution. Sometimes, symptoms and diagnosis techniques according to symptoms is selectively applied for the diagnosis. Among them the pulse feeling and palpation diagnosis technique using the sense of finger and palm of the hand is divided into feeling of pulse and palpation and pressing maneuver. Pressing maneuver is a diagnosis technique pressing and rubbing the affected part in order to attain data of identification including inside and outside condition of the body with regard to the nature, condition and relative seriousness of disease. There are palpation of the skin, palpation the hand and foot, palpation the chest and the abdomen, palpation shu points in pressing maneuver. The diagnosis of the Back Shu points is a technique to examine the change of disease condition from pressure ache, spontaneous ache, tension, relaxation, solidification revealed through channels and collaterals. I investigates starting disease and an attack of disease of twelve pulse and pulse condition through the study relative to the substance and technique of pressing maneuver, and adjusts diagnosis techniques of a region for acupuncture and matters to be attended. The conclusions are as follows. 1. The Shu or stream points in which pathogenic factors go are important to medical treatment of dormant diseases like bowels disease, cold symptom complex and insufficiency symptom complex. 2. Disease classified by system is diagnosed by the condition of process part like pro-trusion, cave-in, tension, relaxation, pressure ache through palpating the Shu or stream points, that is pressing upward or downward left and right sides of the backbone process by hands. 3. In real clinic pressing maneuver of one's back side is very important to patient's diagnosis treatment. Thus, pressing maneuver of one's back side have to be done without omission. 4. Diagnosis must be accomplished through the perception about the diversity of diagnosis technique of bowels disease, the exact knowledge about pressing maneuver of one's back side for enlargement of treatment range and rising of treatment rate, and pressing maneuver of the Shu or the stream points.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.178-199
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• 2011

The ancient tombs found in Bokcheon-dong, Busan originate from the time between the $4^{th}$ and $5^{th}$ centuries, the period of the Three Nations. They are known as the tombs where the Vertical Plate Armour was mainly buried. In 2006, two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were additionally investigated in the tombs No.164 and No.165 which had been constructed at the end of the eastern slope near the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong. Throughout this study, the contents of the two units of the Vertical Plate Armour, whose preservation process has been completed, have been arranged, while the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century has been observed through the consideration of the burial pattern. The units of the Vertical Plate Armour from the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be classified as the IIa-typed armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns, according to the attribute of the manufacturing technology. Also, they can be chronologically recorded as those from the early period of Stage II among the three stages regarding the chronological recording of the Vertical Plate Armour. While more than two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried in the largesized tomb on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs, one unit of the Vertical Plate Armour was buried in the small-sized tomb. By considering such a trend, it can be said that in the stage of burying the armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns (I-type and IIa-type), different units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried according to the size of the tomb. However, as the armor showing the Busan pattern (IIb-type) was settled, only one unit was buried. Meanwhile, the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be included in the wooden chamber tomb showing the Gyeongju pattern, which is a slender rectangular wooden chamber tomb with the aspect ratio of more than 1:3. However, according to the trend shown by the buried earthenware, it can be said that there seem to be common types and patterns shared with the earthenware which has been found in the area of Gimhae and is called the one showing the Geumgwan Gaya pattern. In other words, there seem to be close relationships between the subject tombs and the tomb No.3 in Gujeong-dong and the tomb No.55 in Sara-ri, Gyeongju, regarding the types of armor and tombs and the arrangement of buried artifacts. However, the buried earthenware shows a relationship with the areas of Busan and Gimhae. By considering the combined trend of the Gyeongju and Gimhae elements found in one tomb, it is possible to assume that the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong used to be actively related with both areas. It has been thought that the Vertical Plate Armour used to be the exclusive property of the upper hierarchy until now, since it was buried in the large-sized tomb located on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheondong. However, as shown in case of the tombs No.164 and No.165, it has been verified that the Vertical Plate Armour was also buried in the small-sized tomb in terms of such factors as locations, sizes, the amount of buried artifacts and the qualitative aspect. Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the hierarchical characteristic of the tomb just based on the buried units of the Vertical Plate Armour. Also, it is difficult to assume that armor used to symbolize the domination of the military forces. The hierarchical characteristic of the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century can be verified according to the location and size of each tomb. As are sult, the re seem to be some differences regarding the buried units of the vertical plate armour. However, it would be necessary to carry out amore multilateral examination in order to find out whether the burial of the vertical plate armour could be regarded as the artifact which symbolizes the status or class of the deceased.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.63
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• pp.9-41
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• 2016

This paper focuses on 'clean(cheong: 淸)' kinds of style terminologies among various style terminologies appearing in Heo Gyun's Seongsushihwa("惺?詩話") and tries to analyze the distinctive points which 'clean(cheong: 淸)' kinds of style terminologies include. In Heo Gyun's Seongsushihwa, 11 of 'clean' kinds of style terminologies, such as "cheonggyeong(淸勁), cheonghryang(淸亮), cheongryeo(淸麗), cheongseom(淸贍), cheongso(淸?), cheongweol(淸越), cheongjang(淸壯), cheongjeol(淸絶), cheongjeol(淸切), cheongchang(淸?), cheongcho(淸楚)," were used. This paper focuses and analyzes 'cheonggyeong(淸勁)', 'cheongjeol(淸切)', 'cheongcho(淸楚)', and 'cheongweol(淸越)' that he suggested through applying to real literary pieces. The result of analysis indicates that 'clean' kinds of style terminologies 'cheonggyeong', 'cheongjeol', 'cheongcho', and 'cheongweol' share the same 1st character 'clean(淸)', yet have distinctive qualities by the 2nd characters. These 4 style terminologies all share 'cheong(淸)' image which means clear and clean, yet each one has the attribute of the 2nd character that indicates each one's individual characteristic. It is apparent that 'Cheonggyeong(淸勁)' reflects the 'gyeong(勁)' image meaning upright and solid and implies poems of poets' steadfast spirit within clear boundary; 'cheongjeol(淸切)' reflects the 'jeol(切)' image meaning either desperation and imminence or pitifulness and sorrow and implies poems of poets' urgent and pitiful emotions within clear and clean boundary; 'cheongcho(淸楚)' reflects the 'cho(楚)' image meaning either delicacy and fineness or slenderness and tenderness and implies poems of poets' beautiful but not luxurious, delicate and tender emotions within clear and clean boundary; and 'cheongweol(淸越)' reflects the image of 'weol(越)' meaning unworldliness and excellency and implies poems, within clear and clean boundary, of excellent appearance and mentality surpassing mundane world. Compared with the 1st character's attributes of the style terminologies which Heo Gyun used, the 2nd characters's attributes do not appear that vivid. Especially, in the case that the 2nd characters have similar meanings, it is not easy to clarify the categories. Indeed, in order to grasp clear and distinctive qualities of style terminologies, the kinds of them need to be initially categorized by the 1st characters, and then sorted by the 2nd characters. In this case, the contents which the 2nd characters of style terminologies indicate should be considered. It is because style terminologies explain both literary pieces' aesthetic qualities and writers' personalities, and because explanations about literary pieces' aesthetic qualities includes not only the conclusive poetic or semantic boundaries which literary pieces' created but also literary pieces' creation processes and expression techniques. Through the style terminologies with Heo Gyun used in Seongsushihwa, it can be aware that he evaluated poems focussing more on the conclusive semantic boundaries that poets' spirits and poems created than expression techniques or creation methods. The overall aspects Heo Gyun's such style criticism has will be checked out in more detail through further studies by examining more materials.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.71
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• pp.305-340
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• 2022

This study was started to suggest the direction of Christian educational development to revitalize North Korea's 'education' research. Since the two Koreas have experienced heterogeneity in almost all elements of society, such as politics, economy, society, culture, and education, during the period of division in 1977, true unification depends on laying the foundation for social integration that can overcome the sense of heterogeneity between the two Koreas. This is why North Korea's "education" research is needed. Education is the foundation for transferring culture and history, and for bringing about the survival, transformation, and community of society and since it is the mission of Korean churches and Christian educators to establish the direction of North Korean "education" research, North Korean "education" research is very important. Despite this importance, 'North Korean research' in the field of Christian education has not been properly conducted. Research on the "Christian Unification Education Program" that can be used in churches is actively taking place, but research on the macro level of presenting post-unification education blueprints is rare. This study was started to suggest the direction of Christian educational development to revitalize North Korea's 'education' research. For the study, the characteristics of 'North Korea Research' were analyzed according to generational classification. As a result of the study, recent research on North Korea has been expanding in research topics and methodologies, and recent studies have been differentiated into microscopic studies that deviate from existing research trends at a macro level and view North Korea's daily life. The characteristics of 'North Korean education research' are summarized by period. The research on North Korean education, which began in earnest in the 1970s, was divided into the period of start(70s), transition(80s), leap(90s), expansion(2000s), and development(2010s~). and research characteristics for each period were analyzed. Through this, early North Korean education research was also conducted in the policy aspect of the country, and the characteristics of political and social studies were strong, but recent studies have confirmed that the subjects and contents are diversifying. Based on these studies, the pending issues and issues of North Korean education research in the field of Christian education were analyzed. The study of North Korea in the field of Christian education, which began in the 1980s, has been conducted in the engineering aspect of 'development of unification education programs for churches'. However, studies on Christian unification education and North Korean education itself, which can be used in public education sites including Christian schools, have yet to be sufficient. Nevertheless, the diversification of research in the field of Christian education can be evaluated as a positive change. Based on these studies, it was proposed to establish a de-ideological research foundation, secure primary research data(Raw Data), activate research topics and research methodologies, and strengthen research capabilities in the direction of development to revitalize North Korean research in the field of Christian education. I hope this study will trigger various follow-up studies and help Korean churches that must achieve unification.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.58-69
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• 2022

This study compares and analyses the impacts of holding domestic garden expos that will be fundamental for holding garden expos in the future. Satisfaction with the three sites of the 2013 Suncheon Bay International Gardening Expo, 2015 Seoul Gardening Expo, and 2022 Goyang International Flower Fair, as well as factors affecting the satisfaction in economic, social/cultural, environment/ecology, and operation aspects, were analyzed. As a result of the study, the satisfaction level of all three sites was high, with a value of 3.5 or higher. In particular, satisfaction with the 2013 Suncheon Bay International Gardening Expo was the highest. It was found that there was a difference between the satisfaction level of the 2013 Suncheon Bay International Gardening Expo and the 2015 Seoul Gardening Expo. As a regional festival, the 2013 Suncheon Bay International Garden Expo has acquired a high status due to the 'Suncheon Bay Garden' being designated as the first National Garden. It is thought that great satisfaction was obtained because economic, social, cultural, and environmental revitalization was achieved by matching the values of citizen participation and ecological conservation. As a result of the comparison of perception types affecting the satisfaction by garden fair, satisfaction at the 2013 Suncheon Bay International Gardening Expo and the 2015 Seoul Gardening Expo, it was found that both affected all four aspects. The 2022 Goyang International Flower Fair did not affect satisfaction in the operational aspect. This seems to be because the Goyang International Flower Fair is already a fixed local brand. As a result of analyzing the detailed factors of perception that affect satisfaction, the three target sites were commonly analyzed, including social and cultural factors, which attract cultural events, improve pride and affection for the region, and help educate children. In terms of environmental and ecological factors were analyzed as an inconvenience in life due to traffic congestion. It can be seen that it has the same meaning as the comparative analysis of the difference in factors on the satisfaction of the target site. There is no difference in the effect on satisfaction in terms of social·cultural, and environmental·ecological aspects, but there are differences in terms of economy and operation. Based on the analysis results of this study, to hold a domestic garden expo in the future, it is necessary to properly utilize "environmental" and "ecological" garden aspects that have potential values according to the region's characteristics to develop sustainable, eco-friendly tourism resources. In addition, values will be more apparent when cultural and artistic programs are planned to establish a differentiated identity in the host area and are appropriately used as a marketing means for a local fair. A well-planned local festival through communication with local residents can affect the image of the region and lead to the revitalization of the local communities by securing urban competitiveness along with the establishment of urban brands, so it can be said that local residents' participation and national or local organizations' cooperation is essential.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.