• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.13-51
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• 2021

As a case study, this paper historicizes the film culture in Namchon district in Keijo(京城) based on a preliminary research on the film ephemera produced during the colonial period. Through cross-examining articles appeared in Japanese newspapers and magazines at the time, this paper empirically reconstructs the Japanese settlers' film culture in Keijo, a colonial city whose cultural environment was ethnically divided into 'Bukchon' and 'Namchon.' During the silent era, movie theaters in the Namchon district not only played a role of cinema chain through which films imported and distributed by Japanese film companies were circulated and exhibited but also served as a cultural community for Japanese settlers who migrated to a colony. The film ephemera issued by each theater not only provided information about the movie program, but also connected these Japaneses settlers in colonial city, Keijo to the homogeneous space and time in Japan proper. Both as a minority and colonizer in a colony, these Japanese settlers experienced a sense of 'unity' that could 'distinguish' their ethnic identity differentiated from Koreans through watching movies in this ethnically segregated cultural environment. In doing so, they were also able to connect themselves to their homeland in Japan Proper, despite on a cultural level. This is a cultural practice that strengthens a kind of long distance nationalism. Examining Japanese film culture through film ephemera would not only contribute to the previous scholarship on modern theater culture and spectatorship established since the 2000s, but also be a meaningful attempt to find ways and directions for film history research through non-film materials.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.39
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• pp.221-246
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• 2018

In this text, the author examines the aspects and characteristics of the three forms that were created and enjoyed when the upper-class nobles of Japan "combined(混淆)" waka(和歌) and Chinese poetry(漢詩) between the 10th and 17th centuries. The three forms are the "Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing"(和漢朗詠), "A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems" (詩歌合), and the "Renku renga"(聯句連歌). "Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing" appeared in the 10th century, "A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems" appeared in the 12th century, "Renku renga" appeared in the 14th century, and all three continued to influence the history of Japanese literature after that time. As the combination of literary Japanese and Chinese progressed, the gap between waka and Chinese poetry decreased until they finally combined to create a single work. That is, waka and Chinese poetry converged in one place in multiple ways: as a work that was appropriate to be recited("Collection of Japanese and Chinese poems for singing"), facing each other work against work in a competition("A collection of Japanese and Chinese poems"), and, in the end, they reached the point where they were interchangeable as lines making up long poems(長詩)("Renku renga"). The combination of literary Japanese and Chinese can be said to be the Japanese version of the common movement in East Asian literary history during the Middle Ages to make songs from one's own language flawless in Chinese poetry. Meanwhile, by examining the status changes that appeared as Chinese poetry paralleled, fought with, replaced, and combined with waka, we can find clues to explain the attitudes of the Japanese people on Chinese poetry during the period when the three forms existed, as well as the characteristics of Japanese Chinese poetry that appeared in response to that. The preferences not of "myself" but of the "audience," content and expressions that revere the period rather than the inner self of the poet, and the fact that it is a means for enjoyable pleasure rather than having the original characteristics of lyrical poetry for self-expression are all characteristics of Chinese poetry in Japan during the early and late Middle Ages period. These characteristics can be said to be the current that flows in the underbelly of the history of Chinese literature in Japan. This author believes that the key to discussing the history of Chinese literature in Japan during the Middle Ages period from the perspective of East Asian literary history can be found here.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.539-570
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• 2017

This article is for considering and looking through the meaning of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) Hiku-ka of Kobayashi Issa before reviewing and adapting Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Issa wrote his works by using Hyanghwa-Gucheop in 1803, and he had adopted it as his creative works of Hikai absorbing Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) for about half a year. There has been no national study about this so far, and this study covered the aspects of Issa's adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Japan and China. There have been several problems that the contents were limited to Guo-feng and there were no agreement of terminology as well among researchers. To overcome these limitations, therefore, this article aimed at all the works, rejected the view point as just a translation, and denominated this study as Haiku-ka. Above all, this study looked though Issa's Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) by splitting the aspects of Haiku-ka into borrowing topics and materials. In borrowing topics, the works with the topics of homesick and nostalgic parents stood out. Furthermore, annotations and understandings of Issa's original works were deeply involved. In borrowing materials, the original meanings in the works were transformed and changed or even reinterpreted by their own way. Eliminating sublime emotions, furious tone, and condemnation was main characteristic of Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). Besides, there were ways of exclusion of reasoning, deviating from the viewpoint of Sigyo(edification by poetry), not including moral senses. In other words, Issa used habits and impressions like the way of Haiku when he was doing Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). The meaning that Issa's Hiku-ka of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) stood out compared to adaptation of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Although Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Vietnam was transferred in the form of the poem in Vernacular, the meaning and contents were not changed. Moreover, the original works and characters in Joseon were not destroyed because Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) was not liberally translated but literally. However, Issa transferred the Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in the form of the poem in Vernacular to reveal the value of popular ballads. This was a different adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) from that in Eastern Asia.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.56-67
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• 2019

In order to investigate the issue with the proper name of eshel(Tamarix aphylla) mentioned in the Bible, analysis of morphological taxonomy features of plants, studies on the symbolism of the Tamarix genus, analysis of examples in Korean classics and Chinese classics, and studies on the problems found in translations of Korean, Chinese and Japanese Bibles. The results are as follows. According to plant taxonomy, similar species of the Tamarix genus are differentiated by the leaf and flower, and because the size is very small about 2-4mm, it is difficult to differentiate by the naked eye. However, T. aphylla found in the plains of Israel and T. chinensis of China and Korea have distinctive differences in terms of the shape of the branch that droops and its blooming period. The Tamarix genus is a very precious tree that was planted in royal courtyards of ancient Mesopotamia and the Han(漢) Dynasty of China, and in ancient Egypt, it was said to be a tree that gave life to the dead. In the Bible, it was used as a sign of the covenant that God was with Abraham, and it also symbolized the prophet Samuel and the court of Samuel. When examining the example in Korean classics, the Tamarix genus was used as a common term in the Joseon Dynasty and it was often used as the medical term '$Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳)'. Meanwhile, the term 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' was used as a literary term. Upon researching the period and name of literature related to $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) among Chinese medicinal herb books, a total of 16 terms were used and among these terms, the term Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) used in the Chinese Bible cannot be found. There was no word called 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' that originated from the poem by Wang Wei(699-759) of Tang(唐) Dynasty and in fact, the word 'halyu(河柳)' that was related to Zhou(周) China. But when investigating the academic terms of China currently used, the words Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) and $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) are used equally, and therefore, it appears that the translation of eshel in the Chinese Bible as either Chuísīliǔ (垂絲柳) or $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) both appear to be of no issue. There were errors translating tamarix into 'やなぎ(willow)' in the Meiji Testaments(舊新約全書 1887), and translated correctly 'ぎょりゅう(檉柳)' since the Colloquial Japanese Bible(口語譯 聖書 1955). However, there are claims that 'gyoryu(ぎょりゅう 檉柳)' is not an indigenous species but an exotics species in the Edo Period, so it is necessary to reconsider the terminology. As apparent in the Korean classics examples analysis, there is high possibility that Korea's T. chinensis were grown in the Korean Peninsula for medicinal and gardening purposes. Therefore, the use of the medicinal term $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) or literary term 'wiseonglyu' in the Korean Bible may not be a big issue. However, the term 'wiseonglyu' is used very rarely even in China and as this may be connected to the admiration of China and Chinese things by literary persons of the Joseon Dynasty, so the use of this term should be reviewed carefully. Therefore, rather than using terms that may be of issue in the Bible, it is more feasible to transliterate the Hebrew word and call it eshel.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.78
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• pp.206-242
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• 2016

This study dealt with the U.S. government's book translation project as a part of its public diplomacy to gain the Korean people's 'minds and thoughts' in the midst of cultural Cold War from the end of World War II to the late 1950s. It was found that the U.S. book translation project was begun during the U.S. military occupation of South Korea, though with minimum efforts, and reached its peak in the late 1950s, In general, the purposes of the U.S. book translation project in South Korea was as follows: to emphasize the supremacy of American political and economic systems; to criticize the irrationality of communism and conflicts in the communist societies; to increase the Korean people's understanding of the U.S. foreign policies; to publicize the achievement of the U.S. people in the areas of arts, literature, and sciences. In the selection of books for translation, any ones were excluded which might contradict to U.S. foreign policy or impair U.S. images abroad. It must be noted that publications of a few Korean writers' books were supported by the project, if they were thought to be in service for its purposes. Even some Japanese books, which were produced by the U.S. book translation project in Japan, were utilized for the best effects of the project in South Korea. It may be conceded that the U.S. book translation project contributed a little bit to the compensation for the dearth of knowledge and information in South Korea at that time. However, the project may have distorted the Korean people's perspectives toward the U.S. and world, owing to the book selection in accordance with the U.S. government's policy guidance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.86-113
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• 2014

This study has researched the characteristics and elements of Chwibyeong (翠屛), a sort of trellis in the Joseon Dynasty through the old documents, and the original form of Chwibyeong at Juhapru (宙合樓) in Changdeuk Palace. The results were as follow. First, as the result of literatures analysis for Imwon-gyeongje-ji (林園經濟志) and Jeungbo-sallim-gyeongje (增補山林經濟), the plant screen was classified as kinds of support[frame] material, plants and methods of planting. It was found that the supports of Chwibyeong were made of bamboo or the material such as the Jinjangmok (眞長木: a stick of oak) and Giryu (杞柳: Salix purpurea var. japonica). The evergreen coniferous trees including Pinus densiflora, Taxus cuspidata and Thuja orientalis were mainly used for the plant material of Chwibyeong. The general planting method of Chwibyeong was to plant on the ground, but sometimes the container planting was also found on the artificial ground. Second, the term of 'Chwibyeong' in the literatures was used in only the screen made by evergreen trees, and the superordinate category term of it was indicated by 'byeong (屛)'. Therefore Chwibyeong was a compound word formed from 'chwi (翠)' which means the characteristics of evergreen and 'byeong' as tree screen which the support was made by bamboo. And Chwibyeong had semantic context which was combined with the literary symbolization to describe a landscape of green peak and Taoist ideology be inherent from 'twelve peaks of Musan[巫山十二峰]' in Sichuan sheng (四川省). Thirdly, the photograph of Chwibyeong at Juhapru taken by the 1880s, showed that Chwibyeong was made with coniferous trees and was almost 2 meters high. The Chwibyeong at Juhapru was removed during the Japanese colonial era, but a few yew trees(Taxus cuspidata) used for Chwibyeong are still remaining. And some Juniperus chinensis which the composition time is unclear, were cultivated while hung loose its branchs at the sides of Eosumun (魚水門). This Junipers were presumed to be planted by Japanese after Japanese annexation of Korea(1910), and it was judged that both of the roofs of Eosumun's side gates might have been transformed into Japanese style at the same time. Lastly, Chwibyeong at Juhapru was restored in 2008 but it was restored in wrong way from original form without precise research. Especially Chwibyeong was restored with Sasa boreralis which is damaged by frost, so it requires exertion that should revive the originals to plant original material as much as possible. And it needs the development of fabrication technique for Chwibyeong and the application to current landscape architecture.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2010

This study examines the authentic meaning, location, garden layout, and structural characteristics of Suwoojae(守愚齋), the birth house of Garam Byungi Lee, which was the very epitome of the traditional house structure based on literature review, field survey, and the existing measured drawings. The followings explain how rusticity and spirit of scholars, the core concepts of Garam's poetry, were featured in structural and spacial arrangements of Suwoojae as well as its location and physical layout. 1. Suwoojae is enclosed by Cheonho mountain which fans out of Noryoung mountains in East and located on the tail of Yongwha mountain in West. It has proved to be Yangtack Myoungdang according to the Poongsoo theory, Inguljiryoungron; The energy of earth at a certain location results in the better fortune together with the energy emitted from human body. 2. Suwoojae is an official local monument which was built in 1844, late Joesoen Dynasty by Joheung Lee, Garam's grandfather. Some parts of inner-structure connect with the kitchen in the shape of called Gopae. Suwoojae consists of 4 Sarangchae, 3 Gobangchae, and a Jangdokdae behind Anchae. 3. Since inner and outer walls of Suwoojae are distinctly separate from the main structure, its look varies significantly from different angles. Suwoojae, in its entirety, discloses Garam's philosophy, ideas, and ideology on life and the universe. 4. Apricot trees, Japanese-magnolias, aromatic-trees, crape myrtle, white-magnolias, camellia-trees were planted on the left of the walls, and persimmon trees, jujube trees, plum trees, quince trees were at the inner-yard. Especially, trifoliate orange trees a natural monument of Jeonrabukdo draw substantial attention from visitors. 5. The main garden facilities are located in front of Sarangchae: A rectangle pond(14.72m in length and 3.87m in height), the surroundings of the pond and Anchae, rocks that have distinctive shapes. In general, the garden was designed to incorporate the scenery around Suwoojae as a part of its structure and contain the love for nature and aesthetic sense. 6. It seems that the natural surroundings of Suwoojae had helped form motives of Garam's poetry and assisted him in finding subject-matters and identifying the themes of his works. This is well revealed in his poem, Seungwoonjungee.