• Iberoamérica
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.1-55
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• 2019

In Brazil, racism exists without the clear definition of race. In other words, because there is racism without a clear concept of race, racial issues are complicated in Brazil. Racism is not just a social problem. It is, above all, a political problem that arises from economic separation, exclusion, and marginalization. From the enlargement process of European colonialism, racism has been the most profound and efficient way of governance of social, material, psychological and political domination of Brazil. From this perspective, this study seeks to research racism in Brazil as a race politics. In conclusion, racial discrimination and racial inequality exist in Brazil. Thus, to study the racial discrimination and racial inequalities in Brazil, Chapter 2 examines the origins of racial politics in Brazil. Chapter 3 explores the relations of Brazilian society and races. Chapter 4 examines Black's resistance to racism as a black movement in Brazil. The first half of Chapter 5 looks at 'racial inequality in Brazil' and the latter sees 'racism in Brazil'. Chapter 6, as a conclusion, discusses the challenges and limitations of racial politics in Brazil.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.7-28
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• 2016

This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.67-88
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• 2009

In April, 1995, ANC government was established in South Africa. The Black government set up Truth and Reconciliation Committee in November, 1995. The Committee investigated approximately 50,000 cases for 3years. Through this process, Black and White in SA could be united into one. Finally, the system of racial discrimination, lasting for about 300 years, was abolished. The Committee played a role as a social infra-structure, which was to perform and solidify democracy in SA. Reconciliation, agreement, Participation, equality, Communication, and Reformation of law system were practically implemented by the Committee. Many people evaluate TRC's activity, which had the reformative and democratic character of the object of investigation, investigative criterion, investigative process, and the approval of investigative result. But De Klerk evaluates that TRC retaliated the White with legal. J. Cronin evaluates that TRC transiently change democracy of the South Africa, and many other social movement groups had a negative view about TRC. But the Black and White in South Africa transformed 'discriminated society' into 'united one'. The Committee took the initiative in such a change. The Committee was not an organization needed for the policy, but the committee was the policy itself to change the former society to the new one. Now The ANC government was forwarding TRC's roles and functions to the truth and reconciliation bureau of the Justice Department for further action. The ANC government has to execute some policy for social reconciliation. Firstly, the government needs to build construction social and national system for making close investigation into the White's historical guilt. Secondly, it must be executed to TRC's recommendation pursuit social reform of social infra-structure in the South Africa. Thirdly, The government should execute policy for the Black's right as labors and social member. Lastly, the government must investigate still-remaining historic state violence and infringement of human right for social reconciliation.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.61-82
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• 2009

This paper aims to reexamine the issue of racism in Conrad's Heart of Darkness, especially in the light of Chinua Achebe's critique of the novella as a racist text entrenched with European prejudices of Africa and its people in his 1975 speech at the University of Massachusetts titled "An Image of Africa." While the novella's indictment of imperial exploitation has been noted from an early stage of its critical reception, its racism had hardly been discussed until Chinua Achebe posed it. Achebe offers the canonized status of the text as a modernist classic, "the most commonly prescribed novel in twentieth-century literature courses," as one reason for its obvious manifestations of racism being glossed over. One may add that Conrad's militant denunciation of imperialist enterprises as "a sordid farce," his seemingly radical stance against imperialism, serves as ideological constraints upon his readers, blinding them to its immanent racism. A closer look at the novella's attack on imperialism turns out to be contradictory, for it also shows such liberal-humanist ideas as the civilizing mission, the work ethic, and the superiority of civilized man, all of which served to prop up European imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century. This ideological contradiction also accounts for Conrad's racist attitude, which is betrayed in his portrayal of Africans as obscure, primitive. Euro-American imperialism has frequently justified itself by recourse to racism, but racism has not always been allied with imperialism. Some staunch racists such as Robert Knox and Arthur de Gobineau went against imperialism, and Conrad proves one of such cases whose critique of imperialism is voiced in ways that can be characterized as racist.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.61
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• pp.109-129
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• 2020

This study reflects the regional context of Northeast Asian countries embodied in US-North Korean nuclear tension. The researcher uses the methodological inquiry of practical theology to analyze the political affairs and intertwine with religious education. The ecology of religious education to dismantle the threat of ethnic and racial discrimination such as white supremacy supports a shared pedagogy between students and their teachers in the narrative of Jesus to challenge all forms of oppression as the democratic presence of God.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.517-534
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• 2007

Since the beginning of human society, there have always been struggles and competitions for survival and prosperity, terrorism is not a recent phenomenon, however in modern times it has progressed to reflect the advances in civilization and power structures. At the time of the 9.11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. A., a new world order was in the process of being established after the breakdown of the Cold War era. The attacks drove both the Western and the Islamic worlds into heightened fear of terrorism and war, which threatened the quality of life of the whole mankind. Through two war campaigns against the Islamic world, it seems the U.S. has been pushing its own militaristic security road map of the Greater Middle East democratic initiative, justifying it as a means to retaliate and eradicate the terrorist threats towards themselves. However, with its five-year lopsided victories that cost the nation almost four thousand military casualties, and the war expenses that could match the Vietnam war, the U.S. does not yet seem to be totally emancipated from the fears of terrorism. Terrorism, in itself, is a means of resisting forced rules a form of alternative competition by the weak against the strong, and a way of expressing a dismissive response against dictatorial ideas or orders which allow for no normal changes. Intrinsically, the nature of terrorism is a reaction opposing power logics. Confronted with the absolute military power of the U.S., the Islamic strategies of terrorism have begun to rapidly evolve into a new stage. The new strategies take advantage of their civilization and circumstances, they train and inspire their front-line fighters on the Internet, and issue their orders through the clandestine network of the Al Qaeda operatives. These spontaneously generated strategies have been gained speed among the second, and third Islamic generations, many of whom are now spread throughout western societies. This represents a failure of the power-driven, one-sided overseas security initiatives by the U.S., and is creating a culture of fear and distrust in western societies. It is feared that the U.S. war campaigns have made the clash of religions far worse than before, and may ever lead to global ethnic separations and large-scale population movements. Eventually, it may result in the terrorist groups, enlarged and secretly supported by the huge sums of oil money, driving all mankind into a series of irreparable catastrophes.