• Cartoon and Animation Studies
• /
• s.20
• /
• pp.75-86
• /
• 2010

Recently, as the number of female players has increased rapidly, the electronic gaming industry has begun to look at ways to appeal to the largely untapped female market. According to the latest game market investigative report by China Internet Network Information Center (CNNIC), the total number of game players in China increased by 24.8% in 2009, reached 69,130,000 people, and 38.9% of them are female players. This growth in the number of female player is corroborated by a series of investigative reports from IResearch Company in Shanghai, China: from 2003 to 2009, the number of female players grew from 8% to more than 49%. Therefore, no matter how much attention the game production companies have given to male players or how they have ignored the female players before, the companies would be sensible to face up this reality and adjust their marketing policy a bit more. This article analyzes gender preferences in video games which shows that male players are more likely to be attracted to elements of aggression, violence, competition and fast action in electronic game-playing, while female players are drawn to emotional and social aspects of the games such as an understanding of character relationships. The literatures cited indicates that female players also show apparent preference for games with familiar environments, games that allow players to work together, games that have more than one way to win, and games in which characters do not die. It also discusses the characteristics of female-friendly games from the aspect of emotion, pointing out that the simulation games involving pet, dressing-up, and social simulation games are very popular with female players. Because these are the most suitable game types to fill with emotions of love, share, jealousy, superiority, mystery, these are absolutely attractive to female players. Finally, in accord with the above, I propose some principles of designing female-oriented games, including presenting a good-looking leading character, making the story interesting with "live" NPCs(Non-Playing Characters), and finding ways to satisfy female nature instincts such as taking care of others and the inborn interest of classifying and selecting.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
• /
• v.30 no.6
• /
• pp.693-718
• /
• 2010

This study investigated secondary school science teachers' experiences to explore the influencing factors in science teachers efficiency (STE). The participants, thirty three secondary school science teachers who have more than four years of teaching experience, were interviewed about describing each teacher's experience throughout one's years of teaching. The grounded theory introduced by Strauss and Corbin (1998) was used to analyze the data in this study. The results of paradigm analysis revealed that STE is influenced by 125 concepts, 38 sub-categories, and 16 categories. In a paradigm model, the central phenomenon was 'constructing STE', and the causal condition was 'want to be a teacher' as career choice motivation. The contextual conditions that have an affect on the central phenomenon were 'self awareness of the teacher' and 'social awareness of the teacher.' The mediate conditions, which facilitated or restrained the action/interaction strategies, were 'societal tendency', 'school climate', and 'personal context.' The action/interaction strategies to control the phenomenon were 'following the line,' 'identifying effective teaching strategies,' 'taking teacher education programs,' and 'contributing to school improvement.' The consequences were 'teacher's self awareness', 'challenge,' and 'stagnating in teaching.' The overall conclusion drawn from this research is that, the definition of STE is beliefs in science teachers' capabilities to set up objects in some school teaching context and, organize and execute the course of action required to attain these. Additionally, STE has three dimensions of teacher's behaviors: science instructional efficiency, efficiency in engaging students, and efficiency in managing school conditions. This study offers insight into the nature of STE and theoretical framework. These findings may give science teachers and teacher educators the practical knowledge necessary to build effective training programs and interventions that would help increase STE and facilitate effective teaching.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.2
• /
• pp.204-221
• /
• 2020

East Asian countries share a culture of perfuming clothes. The prosperity of the Maritime Silk Road and the incense trade are direct factors that have led to the development of incense culture. Perfuming clothes is a method of applying fragrance by burning incense. The Chinese could make an incense mixture with various types of incense, and records demonstrating use of perfuming clothes tools (熏籠) show that they might have perfumed clothes with incense mixtures. During the Tang dynasty, the incense trade thrived. Examples of ancient literature such as 『千金要方』, 『香譜』, 『香乘』 describe how to make incense for perfuming clothes and how to perfume clothes. 『桂海虞衡志』 and 『諸蕃志』 shows trade partners and goods. Incense was introduced to Korea alongside Buddhist culture. 『買新羅物解』 shows Silla traded incense with Japan. One of the trade goods recorded in 『買新羅物解』 is perfuming cloth incense (熏衣香), which establishes that Silla performed perfuming clothes at that time. During the Goryeo dynasty, Goryeo exported musk as well as ginseng. The royal family burned incense from the Song royal family. Noblewomen preferred sachets. The use of this dress continued into the Joseon dynasty. 『買新羅物解』 showed that Japan imported incense from Silla. 『The tale of Genji』 illustrates Heian nobles' incense culture, perfuming clothes culture, and trade of incense. Perfuming clothes tools became essential articles for marriage purposes and it developed in a practical shape. The Champa had a perfuming clothes culture. It is described on 『諸蕃志』. As Agilawood is found in Tongking, and Tongking was neighbor to the Champa and China, they might have had a perfuming clothes culture as well. Korea, China, Japan, and Vietnam shared a perfuming clothes culture. We can identify universality and commonality in the purpose of perfuming clothes, time of development, the method of making the incense mixture for perfuming clothes, the method of perfuming clothes, the tools, the gender of perfumer, and the type of herbs and spices.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.5-31
• /
• 2018

The mask dance drama Goseong Ogwangdae's first act, Mundung Bukchum. The story is about a man who was born to the upper class but contracted leprosy, an incurable disease, due to his ancestors' accumulated sin. Although he is suffering, he is able to triumph over the disease through sinmyeong (catharsis) that is expressed through the wordless act of Mundung Bukchum. This thesis focuses on Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum, particularly the meaning, costume, accompanying music, and process of pedagogical transmission. The chronological characteristics of Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum are as follows. First, as time goes on, the number of dance motions in Mundung Bukchum has increased and the motions used have become reified. Second, I address the small barrel drum used in Mundung Bukchum and check how, through the drum, the changed expression of Mundung is shown.In a 1965 video introduced Mundung is grasping the drum and stick and the dance appears to be made up only of humorous motions. Also in a 1969 video, "Mundung Gwangdae," from the start Mundung is grasping the drum and stick. In 1988 in a video we can see the same scene as today, with the drum and stick sitting in the center of the stage at the start of the dance. We can also confirm that the same fourteen dance motions used today are present. Third, we can also confirm the changes in Goseong Ogwangdae's signature motion, baegimsae as time goes on. Observing the video from 1965, baegimsae does not appear in Mundung Bukchum. In 2000 we can clearly see the baegimsae performed once to the left and to the right while Mundung is squatting. Comparing 1969 to 1988, there is no symmetry in the motions, baegimsae is not done to both left and right, but only in one direction. Watching the record from 2000, the baegimsae motion is performed just as it is now, with the body thrown forward with a sharp push off the ground. Fourth I confirmed how the music used to accompany Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum has changed over time. In 1965 according to records of Mundung Bukchum's appearance, the dance was accompanied by the taryeong rhythmic pattern played on the usual four percussion instruments (barrel drum, hourglass drum, large gong, small gong). In the 1969 records of Mundung Bukchum the accompanying music is gutgeori rhythmic pattern performed on the usual four percussion instruments-an obvious difference. In 1988 the music with Mundung Bukchum is gutgeori rhythmic pattern transitioning into jajinmori rhythmic pattern. In 2000 the music with Mundung Bukchum includes the percussion instruments as well as taepyeongso (double reed oboe) playing gutgeori and jajinmori rhythmic patterns.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.52
• /
• pp.277-312
• /
• 2018

First-order cybernetics during the 1940s and 1950s aimed for control of an observed system, while second-order cybernetics during the mid-1970s aspired to address the mechanism of an observing system. The former pursues an objective, subjectless, approach to a system, whereas the latter prefers a subjective, personal approach to a system. Second-order observation must be noted since a human observer is a living system that has its unique cognition. Maturana and Varela place the autopoiesis of this biological system at the core of second-order cybernetics. They contend that an autpoietic system maintains, transforms and produces itself. Technoscientific recreation of biological autopoiesis opens up to a new step in cybernetics: what I describe as third-order cybernetics. The formation of technoscientific autopoiesis overlaps with the Fourth Industrial Revolution or what Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee call the Second Machine Age. It leads to a radical shift from human centrism to posthumanity whereby humanity is mechanized, and machinery is biologized. In two versions of the novel Demon Seed, American novelist Dean Koontz explores the significance of technoscientific autopoiesis. The 1973 version dramatizes two kinds of observers: the technophobic human observer and the technology-friendly machine observer Proteus. As the story concludes, the former dominates the latter with the result that an anthropocentric position still works. The 1997 version, however, reveals the victory of the techno-friendly narrator Proteus over the anthropocentric narrator. Losing his narrational position, the technophobic human narrator of the story disappears. In the 1997 version, Proteus becomes the subject of desire in luring divorcee Susan. He longs to flaunt his male egomaniac. His achievement of male identity is a sign of technological autopoiesis characteristic of third-order cybernetics. To display self-producing capabilities integral to the autonomy of machinery, Koontz's novel demonstrates that Proteus manipulates Susan's egg to produce a human-machine mixture. Koontz's demon child, problematically enough, implicates the future of eugenics in an era of technological autopoiesis. Proteus creates a crossbreed of humanity and machinery to engineer a perfect body and mind. He fixes incurable or intractable diseases through genetic modifications. Proteus transfers a vast amount of digital information to his offspring's brain, which enables the demon child to achieve state-of-the-art intelligence. His technological editing of human genes and consciousness leads to digital standardization through unanimous spread of the best qualities of humanity. He gathers distinguished human genes and mental status much like collecting luxury brands. Accordingly, Proteus's child-making project ultimately moves towards technologically-controlled eugenics. Pointedly, it disturbs the classical ideal of liberal humanism celebrating a human being as the master of his or her nature.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.52-71
• /
• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.93-120
• /
• 2015

The purpose of this study is to explore the source of appealing which Gusadang Kim Nakhaeng's writing for ancestral rites is equipped with. Gusadang was one of the Confucianists in Yeongnam during the 18th century and was praised for his scholarly virtue of jihaenghapil and silcheongunghaeng. Although Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites and his teacher Milam Lee Jaeui's letters were even specially named as 'gujemilchal', there has been almost no research on Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites yet. Therefore, this study selects three pieces of Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites which are especially rich in emotional expression for discussion. Chapter 2 titled as 'the Reconstruction of Memory in a Microscopic Perspective' presents the reason why Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites is recognized even as a piece of work equipped with appealing. Writing for ancestral rites begins from the point that there exists memory that can be shared by both the living and the dead. In reconstructing the anecdote with the dead on the stage of ritual writing in detail, the writer's memory plays an important role. Chapter 3 titled as 'the Rhetorical Reconstruction of Elevated Sensitivity' examines rhetorical devices needed for writing for ancestral rites. Proper rhetoric is needed to upgrade the dignity of the ritual writing and arouse sympathy from the readers. Although writing for ancestral rites is supposed to express sadness in terms of its formal characteristics, it should not end up being a mere outlet of emotion. Chapter 4 looks into 'the Descriptive Reconstruction of Lamenting Sentiment'. There should be a clear focus of description to make the gesture of the living towards the being not existing in the world any longer an appealing story. While maintaining a distinct way of description, Gusadang organizes the noble character of the dead, pitiable death, the precious bond in the past, and the longing of those left for the dead systematically. Writing for ancestral rites is a field to mourn over the death and reproduce the sadness of the living through writing. To make the text written in that way get to work as ritual writing properly, it should be appealing necessarily. This study has found the fact that such appealing that gives life to ritual writing is grounded on authenticity.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
• /
• no.45
• /
• pp.291-325
• /
• 2014

This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.37-61
• /
• 2011

The Noh(能) performance is a traditional drama that represents Japan. The Noh performance was approved in the background of religious thought such as Shintoism(神道), Buddhisms(佛敎), and Syugendo(修驗道). Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. The Noh was approved while receiving a large influence from Shugendo. It can know the feature of the Shugen(修驗) culture in the Middle Ages through the consideration of . Moreover, the appearance of the training of 'Yamabusi(山伏)' can be seen. "Yamabusi" has not been paid to attention up to now in the research of . And, the focus was appropriated to Yamabusi and it researched in this text. Moreover, the problem of "Chigo(稚子)" is thought through . "Chigo culture" was general in the Middle Ages. It is thought that "Chigo culture" is reflected in . is an Noh performance for the boy named 'Wakamatsu' to enter the mountain and to train. It is because mother's sickness was cured. However, the boy gets sick while it is training. It was dropped to the valley according to the law of Shugendo, and it died. However, it revives by the Yamabusi's prayers. 'Taniko' is to drop to the valley and to bury it when the Yamabusi gets sick while lived. The title of the Noh originated in here. has elements of history, content of training of Shugendo, "Filial piety", and the Chigo culture, etc. These are features of the culture in the Middle Ages. It is not only a sad content though this is a content of the cruel remainder. It is because of the revival though waited rapidly at the end. As for the difficulty of training is drawn in the round, and the appearance of the training at that time is understood well. The essence of Shugendo is to train in the mountain. Supernatural power can be obtained through training. Moreover, it was thought that it was able to be newly reborn through training. The leading part of Shugendo is an Yamabusi. The Yamabusi took an active part in not only the mountain but also the village. The Yamabusi is ordinary people's lives and because the relation is deep, an important factor it knows the folk customs of Japan. The word 'Chigo' is not written in . However, a spectator at that time is 'Chigo' Wakamatsu and is already sure to have understood 'Chigo'. Because everyone knew the Chigo culture in the Middle Ages. A religion at that time and knowledge of the society are necessary to understand the play of Nho well.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
• /
• v.31 no.2
• /
• pp.113-150
• /
• 2016

Chobun refers to a temporary grave covered with straw thatch that contains a corpse until its flesh is gone. When all the flesh has rotted away, the straw grave is disassembled and only the bones are retrieved. Therefore, Chobun is an example of a secondary burial custom (German : Doppel Bestattung) that is composed of a first temporary funeral for processing the corpse's flesh, and a second permanent burial of the final remains (bones or ashes). The duration of the temporary burial is determined by the time needed for decomposing the flesh of the deceased. Building a Chobun progresses putrefaction and reduction to bone. In the literature of alchemy, putrefaction and new life occur simultaneously. The purpose of rotting is to make the flesh disappear, leaving only its essence. It is making the physical body enter a spiritual state, so that the dead can enter into a different world. One must endure the unstable rotting process until the smell of flesh has faded. The rotting process is the attitude of accepting the terrible, polluted aspect of the corpse, while maintaining a helpless, passive posture, in order to allow new possibilities. When we try to approach an archetypal aspect of the unconscious, it is often experienced in threatening, aggressive ways. In the individuation process, the unconscious offers us the blessing of a new spiritual awakening and renewed sense of life, only when we have the courage to see this terrifying and contaminated side of our psyche. This is exactly what putrefaction means. Bone and skeleton symbolize the indestructible, imperishable, and essential elements of life. Bone is the minimum unit and foundation for regeneration, where new life can grow. Reduction to bone is moving back to the origin of life, to the womb. Psychologically, it means discarding one's ego-centeredness and allowing the Self to lead the entire process of individuation. Going through the painful process of reduction to a skeleton for the purpose of further development is a declaration of the death of the ego, aiming at the liberation from perishable flesh and acquisition of the spiritual, regenerative, and immortal elements of life. Chobun also denotes the yearly decay and revival of life, especially of vegetal life. In Chobun, this symbolic meaning of the vegetal cycle of life is emphasized to represent the part of life that survives even after death. Vegetation related to Chobun deals with the continuity of life and psychologically with the Self. Images of vegetation are closely related to the existence of life beyond death, which is the existence of the Self, the source of energy that constantly renews and rejuvenates the consciousness.