• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.165-197
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to investigate communal action in the Ox Seeking Pictures of Daesoon Thought as an expression of future prospects. The Ox Seeking Pictures in Daesoon Thought seeks out renewal of thought, renewal of life, and true living. Here, the Ox Seeking Pictures symbolize a world in which good fortune comes true according to faith in Gucheon Sangje. The correlation between searching for the ox and the supporting teachings of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth in Daesoon shows the transformation of Daesoon prospects for achieving the renewal of thought. The correlation between Deep Contemplation Leading to Awakening and Finding and Following Heavenly Teachings shows the transformation of Daesoon reason into a practice implemented in daily life. The correlation between a human being's awareness and the heavenly paradise of the Later World shows transformation into true living based on everyday practice and the practical transformation of one's livelihood. In this investigation, we can say that the Ox Seeking Pictures of Daesoon symbolizes the realization of human dignity and respect for lives. No life should be destroyed or violated by another. Heaven, Earth, and Humanity can be changed and born anew. The visions of the realization of the heavenly paradise of the Later World show that this paradise in the world results from Daesoon principles. This provides a unique insight when compared to the bodhisattva ideal conveyed through the Ox Seeking Pictures of Mahayana Buddhism. Daesoon's Ox Seeking Pictures consist of a three-way interlocking of renewal of thought, implementation in life, and the practical transformation of one's livelihood. The communal spirituality based in Daesoon Truth connects and mediates among people and appears in three aspects. Firstly, it is thought to be a vision of the renewal of thought through the 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang.' Secondly, it is thought to be the vision of a new life based upon the spirit of Mutual Beneficence. Thirdly, it is thought to be a vision of true living through the realization of human dignity. Because of the appearance of the Ox Seeking Pictures of Daesoon Thought, this narrative picture shows the oxherd as searching for an ox which is the symbol of Daesoon Truth and Dao. Even though he catches the ox, he is still holds the rope to tie the ox to himself. He makes an effort to keep the ox steady. Finally, the oxherd's enlightenment becomes the source of responsibility to help unenlightened people in their struggles. In conclusion, it is necessary to interpret these paintings as the start of the Later World.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.63-93
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• 2023

This study aims to examine the history of naming the strait between the Yellow and East China Seas and the East Sea to suggest a consistent nomenclature and to demarcate the geographic region of the strait. Although the strait is internationally known as 'Korea Strait', it is commonly referred to as the 'South Sea' in Korean common usage. This review ultimately recommends the use of 'Korea Strait' as an appropriate geographical name for this area. To support this recommendation, the historical boundaries typically assigned to the Korea Strait were investigated. We also analyzed the evolution of geographical labels assigned to Korea Strait and to the Western and Eastern Channels (labels given to the two maritime areas surrounding Tsushima). Resources for this analysis included historic maps and charts, International Hydrographic Organization Special Publications (S-23), and maps published in the Ocean Science Journal (OSJ) and Journal of Oceanography (JO), which are two international journals representing Korean and Japanese sources, respectively, from 2005 to 2021. In these two international journals, the most frequently used names assigned to the strait of interest were Korea Strait (appearing 42.9% of OSJ maps, and 7.5% of JO maps), and Tsushima Strait (appearing 60.4% of JO maps, and 0% of OSJ maps). Other names were South Sea and Korea Strait/Tsushima Strait. On maps in the two reviewed journals, the boundaries of Korea Strait were defined explicitly or implicitly in five different ways: a broad region between the Yellow and East China Seas and Ulleung Basin (Type 1), the region between Ulleung Basin and Tsushima (Type 2), the western channel of the strait (Type 3-1), the eastern channel of the strait (Type 3-2), and both the western and eastern channels of the strait (Type 4). Overall, Type 1 was the most frequently used boundary, taking up 71.4% of OSJ and 60.4% of JO maps. Lastly, we suggest in this paper that the current flowing through Korea Strait from the East China Sea to the East Sea should be labeled the 'Korea Strait Warm Current' to indicate its full path through the strait. Currently, this current is internationally referred to as the 'Tsushima Warm Current', which does not link well to the commonly used geographic name of the strait.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.117-167
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• 2019

The aim of this article is to illuminate the Park Yeol(朴烈)·Kaneko Humiko(金子文子) Case from the perspective of performance, by analyzing newspapers published in Colonial Korea. The Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko Case include the High Treason Incident(大逆事件) case and the mysterious photo(怪寫眞) case that occurred in Tokyo in Imperial Japan from 1923 to 1926. Even though Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko were individually imprisoned during this period, they proceeded to act shrewdly and preposterously as performers. First, they made the trial itself into an astonishing case by donning traditional Korean clothes and insisting on using the Korean language in Japanese Imperial Court. Second, they caused the judge in charge to accidentally take the so-called 'mysterious photo,' which later led to the collapse of the Japanese cabinet. The newspapers published in Colonial Korea served as unique stage on which Park Yeol and Kaneko Humiko performed. The newspaper articles reported on the public trials as if it were a drama, describing their clothes, look, and dialogue in public court. The news about them was published not as it occurred but in a plotted sequence because of a press ban, consequentially building suspense among readers. Meanwhile, the Korean newspaper editorials pointed out the injustice of the High Treason Incident, breaking down the Japanese judge's opinion. The Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko Case was a social drama that revealed the disharmony that led to the breakdown of Taisho Democracy and imprinting national resistance in Japan as well as in Korea.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.581-587
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• 2022

The water god, Venerable Bhadra, Indian Tammola (Tamla as the 'mol' and 'ju' characters were eliminated) came to Tamla with 900 Arahants(The highest Buddhist monks) around 563-483 BC. It is the propagation of Buddhism through the world's most sacred water (Heiligkeit). The traces of the three surnames of Goyangbu are the first samsunghyeol and the dwelling of the den of Jonjaam(cave of venerable Bhadra) in Yeongsil, giving a glimpse into the era of living in caves. The second is a link that is in line with 3, the basic number in the decomposition of 900 (=3^*3^*100) disciples of Bhadra, considering that 3 and 3 of the three surnames in Goyangbu are three times 9. At this time, 3 is the person of heaven and earth, religiously, marriage, hope, or complete number, and Jeju culture is resting everywhere. For example, 3 of the samsunghyeol, 3 of the 1, 2, 3 Dodong, 3 of the 3 Dado, 3 of the 3 Mudo, 3 of the 3 disasters, 3 of the Goyangbu 3-surnames, 3 of the house Olle Jeongnang and, among 900 (=3^*3^*100) disciples of Venerable Bhadra, the common factor is 3. It is the 'island of 3'. These papers consist of 1 and 2 parts. In Part 1, the name of Tamla came from Tammola, India, and 900 Indian Buddhist Arahants estimated that the three surnames in Goyangbu were the ancestors. Part 2 highlights how the basic principle of jeonganag derived from Indian customs has evolved and is being used in modern mobile communication and DNA gene life science.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.3-36
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• 2010

This paper is based on the certain point that 'the indigenous', which have long been occupied by the Asian patriarchy or the local communities, now calls for the repositioning in the feminist context. 'The indigenous', in one part, generally refer to the matured long-standing traditions and practices of certain regional, or local communities, as a mode of a place specific way of endowing the world with integral meaning. In the narrow definition, it points to the particular form of placed based knowledge for survival, for example, the useful knowledge of a population who have lived experiences of the environment. In the other part, 'the indigenous' could be criticized in the gender perspectives because it has been served as an ideological tool for patriarchy and sexism, which have undermined women's body and subjectivity in the name of the Asian traditional community. That's why the feminists with sensitivity to the discourses of it, may perceive it very differently, still hesitating dealing with the problem. However, even if there are tendencies that the conservatives romanticize local traditions and essentialize 'the indigenous', as it were, it does not exist 'out there'. Then, it could be scrutinized in the contemporary context which, especially, needs to seek the possibility towards the alternatively post - develope mental knowledge system. In the face of global economic crisis which might be resulted from the instrumentalized or fragmented knowledge production system, it's holistic conceptions that human, society, and nature should not be isolated from each other. is able to give an insightful thinking. It will work in the restraint condition that we reconceptualize the indigenous knowledge not as an unchanging artefact of a timeless culture, but as a dynamic, living and culturally meaningful system towards the ecofeminstic indigenous knowledge. And then, indigenous renaissance phenomena which empower non-western culture and knowledge system and generate increased consciousness of cultural membership. Thus, this paper argues that the indigenous knowledges which have been underestimated in the western-centered knowledge-power relations, could be reconstructed as a potential resources of ecological civility transnationally which reconnect individuals and societies with nature.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.255-280
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• 2010

Zhang Bo-duan compiled about internal alchemy in Taoism. Although he lived in the mundane world, he wished to seek theory on neidan of Taoism(internal alchemy). After finding enlightenment, he elucidated that the enlightenment was a state of rising above world not needed to leave the world. After ages, he was admired as the founder of Taoism in Southern school and his Oh Jin Peon which contents internal alchemy was considered seriously to have more than 30 people who annotated with it until Ch'ing Empire. At his age of 80, he met the real person who gave him theory on neidan of Taoism(internal alchemy), its preface tells that he organized its main point, and then wrote Oh Jin Peon with it in 1075. Generally Zhang Bo-duan was known to leave three books as Oh Jin Peon, Guem Dan Sa Baek Ja, and Cheung Hwa Bi Mun, most of critics have been studying on the basis of them. However, it is not correct whether all of them is his writings and there is not exact analysis but simple belief about it. I think accuracy and details are indispensible in philosophical approach. The study not having verification about primary data is no more than a visionary projet which soon collapses. So the purpose of this study is adding the detail analysis on it and making its exact basis of philosophical approach. Zhang Bo-duan over his age of 80, became enlightened, in his old age handed down his student the secret as a record and theory on neidan of Taoism(internal alchemy). And not in his living but after his dying his status was soared. Because of his high status in internal alchemy Taoism, it seems that there are more interest in it and some published books which just leave his name. In this study, I accept Oh Jin Peon as a his real writing among unsure his writings and criticize systematically and classify its characteristics. And I demonstrate that Guem Dan Sa Baek Ja, Cheung Hwa Bi Mun couldn't be his real writings, these could be forgeries by posterity, with proposing some basis of the argument.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.143-191
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• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.

• 지역과문화
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.79-105
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• 2019

In the Geumseongsan Tumulus of the Uiseong area where the Jomunguk was existed in the Three Han Period, many relics such as metal craft ornaments and Uiseong-style earthernware were excavated. However, it is hard to find cases where the excavated relics were used to develop cultural products. In this study, symbolic relics which can express the culture of Uiseong Jomunguk were selected from excavated relics. Then, the basic design that can be applied to various cultural products were derived from symbolic relics. In order to select symbolic relics, the formative characteristics of the metal craft relics excavated from the Tablili Tumulus and the Dali Tumulus were examined. As a result, a gilt-bronze crown excavated from the Tablili Tumulus was selected as a symbolic relics. And then the basic desin was derived from the gilt-bronze crown. The basic design is expressed in the form of birds based on the bird's feather shape at the edge of the standing ornaments and the record of the Bongdae(鳳臺), the phoenix's habitat. And the application design that changed the expression of the birds' face was presented. The earthenware excavated from the Uiseong area was designed as a soil pot and applied various indoor air purification plants. The result of this study, which reinterprets and reconstructs the historical and cultural resources of the region in accordance with the modern sense, can be used as useful data for the development of cultural products of Jomunguk. Furthermore, if the design derived from the Jomunguk relics is used as a representative symbol of the area, it will be possible to derive an image of a differentiated region from other regions. Finally, it is expected that the result of this study will be a chance to re-evaluate the value of the historical and cultural resources in the region.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.234-252
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• 2023

This study looked at the modification of major gardens while making Deoksugung Palace (德壽宮) a park in the Japanese colonial era. This is because landscaping work was carried out in various places from 1932 to 1933 to open Deoksugung Palace, which used to be an imperial palace, as a public recreation space. In particular, major gardens such as the front yard of Seokjojeon Hall (石造殿), the back yard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall (咸寧殿), and the back yard of Jeukjodang Hall (卽阼堂) were greatly transformed into different shapes from the original. During the first phase of construction in 1932, a water tank was installed in Seokjojeon Hall Garden, creating the first water space. This water tank was originally a structure installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall (仁政殿) of Changdeokgung Palace (昌德宮). Around 1909, a water tank installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was relocated to Seokjojeon Garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The water tank moved from the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was a factor that transformed the central area of Seokjojeon Garden into a water space, and a fountain installed to replace the water tank remains to this day. The backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall was also renovated into a new shape during the first phase of construction. Originally, there was a terraced flowerbed called Hwagye (花階) in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall (咸有齋) and Hamnyeongjeon Hall, and it was restored from the construction that took place after the Great Fire of Deoksugung Palace. In the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park, a three-stage stonework was built in the front yard of Jeonggwanheon Pavilion (靜觀軒) which renovated the Hwagye in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall and Hamnyeongjeon Halll. The stonework built at that time was used as a peony garden to provide visitors with attractions after the opening of Deoksugung Palace, and it remains today with the name Jeonggwanheon's Hwagye. The backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is a case of damage in the second phase of construction in 1933. Like the backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall, the backyard of Jeukjodang Hall, where the Hwagye was originally built, was converted into a Japanese-style garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The site where the Hwagye was demolished was decorated with a Japanese-style garden centered on mounding, small roads, and landscaping stones, as well as topographic control and planting work. Although there have been minor changes since liberation, the backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is still based on a Japanese-style garden created by turning Deoksugung Palace into a park.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.33 no.10
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• pp.828-834
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• 2023

The cDNA that encodes transmembrane protein 258 (Tmem258) was cloned from Gryllus bimaculatus and named GbTmem258. This protein comprises 80 amino acids, has no N-glycosylation site, and contains five potential phosphorylation sites at two serines, two threonines, and one tyrosine. The predicted molecular mass of GbTmem258 is 9.06 kDa, and its theoretical isoelectric point is 5.5. The tertiary structure of GbTmem258 was predicted using the available secondary structure information, which suggests the presence of alpha helices (52.5%), random coils (22.5%), extended strands (16.25%), and beta turns (8.75%). Homology analysis revealed that GbTmem258 exhibits high similarity at the amino-acid level to Tmem258 found in other species. The effect of starvation and refeeding on GbTmem258 mRNA expression was also examined in this study. It was found that GbTmem258 mRNA expression in the hindgut progressively increased throughout the starvation period, peaking at almost 1.5 times the control level after six days of starvation. However, refeeding for one to two days after the six-day starvation period restored GbTmem258 mRNA expression to the control level. In fat body, GbTmem258 mRNA expression was almost 3-fold higher during starvation compared to the control level. Refeeding for one to two days after the six-day fast resulted in a decline in the expression to about a 2.5-fold increase over the control level. Throughout the starving and refeeding periods, no other tissues showed any discernible alterations in GbTmem258 mRNA expression.