The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.2
no.1
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pp.45-51
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2016
Aristotle said 'Poet is that from who can give happiness, therapeutic effects to the reader.' He say to 'mimoumenon' it means a native Image restored. However, Kant said that Aesthetic is requested not only reappearance but freedom. This result is that between joyful freedom and reason of the judgement of tasted feeling. Because Art ever created is the spirit of the moral ideals, and those who combine the best of the joy. I think need to more communication and joy than their theories. For poet is replaced to be communicated and joyful for our happiness and freedom.
In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.
Southern Louisiana has one of the largest Vitnamese refrgee neighborhoods after the mid-1970s. It is impressive that one of their adaptive strategies comes from their religious lives which are centered on either Catholicism or Buddhism. The Buddhism community, especially, exhibits an exotic symbolic system of value and attitude, and thus contributes to cultural diversity in the adopted country. The landscape of the Buddhist temple is a visible symbol to them that the host socirty accepts their maintenance of their own cultural identity and that they are also an integral part of American society. Their making-place and being-in-place procedures, although their culture is being transformed in the original shape, put an emphasis on interaction with the host xociety. These procedures have been facilitated by consolidating their identity as a minority group as well as by interacting with the host society. The on-going influx of foreign immigrant groups seems not to drive them to assimilate into the melting-pot society, but to contribute to contribute to the increase in the cultural diversity of the United States.
This paper attempts to analyse the patriarchal characteristics of welfare states. Increasingly, debates on welfare states are explicitly focusing on the relationships between state, market and family. How these relationships are structured forms the core parts of the particular welfare states, that is they give shape to different welfare state regimes. Although welfare states have developed incresingly, there are some problems that sustain these states asymmetrical, unequal, even sexist. In this paper, I want to make these problems visible by the terms of gender division of labour, the model of male work and the changing characteristics of patriarchy. Firstly, from the feminist perspective, we can point the fact that the welfare states are structured by gender. Welfare states take it for granted that our socities are based on the assumption of gender division of labour, what is called male breadwinner/ female dependent. And the state takes this gendered family as the stereotype in our societies. Secondly, it is not sufficient condition for men and women to perform satisfactory life of work and family that welfare states provide childcare center on an extensive scale. This is because that our societies are runned by "the model of male work". Thirdly, we can find that the characteristics of patriarchy of welfare state are changing. These changes can be explained from the 'private patriarchy' to the 'public patriarchy', in other words, from the women's dependence to individual man to the dependence to the state/ public sectors. And also under these changes, we can find the potent possibilities for women to take economic activities and independent self-supports.
This article aims at investigating the origin of 'gookmin', which is currently working as the dominant discourse and leading identity in the South Korean society. Like 'nation', 'people' or/and 'citizen', the term of 'gookmin' is a very much particular and historical outcome of the colonial modernity. Nevertheless, however, there have been not so much serious socio-linguistic, cultural-political studies about its root. It is theoretically as well as practically quite important to trace back the birth of 'gookmin', which is working as an ideological, epistemological frame in/between subject and reality. In this regard, this article will consider the late Japanese colonial period as a key period of the birth of 'gookmin'. It will then critically scrutinize how the total mobilization system by adopted the colonial government has formed the discourse and subjectivity of 'gookmin' based on various physical apparatuses. By revealing that a totalistic nation/state of Japanese colonialism is behind 'gookmin', which wanted to mobilize every individuals into a so-called article of empire, this article tries to show the fascist and propaganda nature of 'gookmin' continuing even after the liberation. As a historical-materialist work of deconstruction the dominant discourse of 'gookmin', this study will basically take a cultural studies approach.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.36
no.6
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pp.102-114
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2009
Urban discourse can be used to create a better living environment through open thinking, understanding and discussion. It raises both physical and social issues surrounding the urban environment. It can encourage the participation of citizen groups and lead the way to develop a community-oriented urban environment through inter-discourse agreement. The urban space of Cheonggye Stream has produced a wide range of urban discourse from 2003 to the present. Discourse regarding the Cheonggye Stream restoration project has been approached by fields including landscape architecture, ecology, urbanism, architecture, politics, and economics, among others. This discourse has reduced a variety of issues and ranges of debate. This study has classified these discussions into related fields and ideological attitudes, analysed their content, and interpreted their meaning. In order to examine the mutual relationships existing among these discourses by different ideological groups, an analytical framework was established byputting classified versions of discourses into a coordinate diagram. The overall topography showing the present status of Korea public awareness regarding the urban environment could therefore be determined. As a result, it was found that the disciplines of landscape architecture took a middle ground between groups with practical and radical ideologies regarding the Cheonggye Stream project and was a mediator for both poles to find a point of contact. However, participatory discourse requires the disciplines of landscape architecture to participate more actively in the discourses on urban environment and take a more active stand corresponding to the zeitgeist and people's sense of public justice.
This study focuses on reviewing the concepts, roles, meanings, and values ascribed to females and femininity as observable in Daesoon thought and in Feminist theory. Especially with regards to the process of achieving gender equality through the resolution of grievance for females in Daesoon thought, the study draws positive and desirable roles within this practice by specifically examining good deeds performed by females and practical roles that females play. By doing so, this study finds a way to go from the world of mutual contention to the world of resolving grievances that have arisen due to the oppression of yin and the encouragement of yang. First wave feminism can be summarized as the inclination for equality. In Daesoon thought concerning this and from standpoint of females, the most ideal image of woman is one of a female Perfected Being who is unified with Dao and has thereby achieved perfection of her humanity apart from gender. In the Later World (Hucheon), people can get results based on their hard work regardless of gender. The enlightenment of Dao is such that it is not important to distinguish between males and females. Both of them can be 'unified with dao'. Therefore, despite the similarity, the concepts of equality in first wave feminism and the resolution of grievance for women have differences in terms of their ideal vision of equality. The representative claim in second wave feminism is 'consideration' and, in this context, 'consideration' has pronounced feminine characteristics. In Daesoon thought, this sense of 'consideration' is related to the concept of 'Jamojijeong', a term that refers to motherly affection. However, it is not simply a virtue of females and mothers, but rather the value of 'Yin (pronounced in Sino-Korean as 'Eum')' called 'Eumdeok (hidden virtue)'. Jamojijeong means that people should behave in a modest way and this helps them achieve their aims. It is also closely related with 'femininity' in the sense of Eum. One of processes spreading it socially is to propagate virtue (Podeok) and if harmony is achieved through it, then 'right yin and right yang' emerge as the precondition by which Pyeong Do (Pacification of Tao) can be realized. Furthermore, because the aspect of Pyeong is a cosmic process, it has distinct differences from the social aims of feminism and the worldly aims of other numerous ideologies. In proceeding from the Former World (Seoncheon), an era of mutual contention, to the Later World, an era of mutual beneficence, it is essential to emphasize the connection between 'harmony (Hwa)' and 'propagating virtue' as the starting point from which the perspective of Daesoon thought aiming at the principle of 'Pyeong' and 'Hwa' emerges. Herein one can discover that the realization of Daesoon thought is based on the vitalization of the feminine value of 'Jamojijeong'.
The concept of 'cultural diversity' has emerged as a key concept and the buzzword of the 21st century's international community in education, science and culture sectors since UNESCO's "World Declaration on Cultural Diversity"(2001). However, the appropriate and correct implementation in educational level and in a subject scale can not be pursued without special understanding of multilateral implications of UNESCO's 'cultural diversity' because the concept of cultural diversity has been distributed to various applications according to individual scholars and institutions before the "World Declaration on Cultural Diversity" was released. The ultimate orientation of 'cultural diversity', the concept presented in "World Declaration on Cultural Diversity" is 'world peace' and 'the coexistence of various cultures of mankind'. In this regard, 'cultural diversity' has special 'educational' meaning to the next generation as well as the current one. Also, it is meaningful to take educational practices on cultural diversity in case of the "World Geography" subject in view of that international society of geographical education came up with "International Declaration of Geographical Education for Cultural Diversity" in the IGU(International Geographical Union) 2000. From this point of view, the author proposes that the 'cultural diversity' concept implies four folds of meanings as an ideology, as a symbol, as a vision, and as a epistemological turn based on the analysis of literatures on 'cultural diversity' of UNESCO, then presents an educational practice centering around the examples and its usage of teaching materials of cultural diversity.
In this article we tried to discover the predilection of the Goncourt brothers for the noble culture of the eighteenth century. It is well known that two brothers sought to bring forth the aristocratic world formerly reigned by Louis XV and Louis XVI. The favorite themes of the Goncourts included rococo, rocaille, Kings' mistresses, and antiques. Were the brothers fascinated by the culture of the eighteenth century only because they were themselves in the lineage of an aristocratic family? Are there any other reasons behind their predilection for the eighteenth century? This research started from these questions, because we believe that, in their preoccupation with such culture, there must be other reasons beyond their aesthetic predilection. We first studied ideological grounds to answer these questions. Our attention was particularly drawn to the relationship between their attachment to aristocratic culture and their rejection of bourgeois culture in their time. We then attempted to discern the meaning of their studies on the French Revolution, in the wake of the revolution of 1848. By means of this approach, we found that they overestimated the vibrant and energetic culture of the eighteenth century, and they wanted to propose such culture to their contemporaries, in an effort to forget the terrible memory of the year 1848. We can therefore say that the Goncourt brothers proposed a remedy for the psychological torment of their time.
This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.
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