• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.49-75
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• 2014

European philosophy helped to justify colonialism through a philosophy of history that privileged Europe. This paper reviews and examines postcolonial African philosophy's efforts to overcome colonialism. Postcolonial African philosophy has been trying to reexamine the essence of philosophy determined by European philosophy for freeing African philosophy from that determination. The emergence of postcolonial African philosophy itself has been a challenge to European philosophy. When European phil. will open itself to this challenge, there will be a possibility of dialogue for desirable relationship between two philosophical traditions. For European philosophy to open itself is to be seen and judged by the non-european, ie, African philosophical regard. Postcolonial African philosophy's efforts to overcome colonialism give questions and challenges to us who experienced and are remain to be under the influences of colonialism and has the task of overcoming it.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.403-442
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• 2010

This study aims to configurate the contents of social policy strategies of European welfare states in the postindustrial society. The social policy strategy of the socialdemocratic regime consists of 'maintenance of statecentrism' and 'inclusion'. The contents of social policy strategy of the liberal regime are 'expansion of market forces' and 'increase of individual' self-responsibility'. The conservative regime adheres to the 'protection of male breadwinner; and 'income maintenance programs'. Due to these social policy strategies, the conservative regime has very high rate of unemployment. In the liberal regime, the high rate of poverty exists. In contrast, the socialdemocratic regime has low rates of unemployment and poverty and shows best social outcomes among the welfare regimes.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.955-970
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• 2004

With the flow of globalization, world aviation markets are showing growing trends toward liberalization, deregulation, and privatization. At the same time, also apparent is a strong trend toward regionalism on aviation markets to realize open skies at the regional level. This research examines the recent trend of regionalism in the world aviation market from a political economic perspective, taking a single European aviation market as an example. The results show that the creation of a single European aviation market is the EU's strategic response against the US to enhance the European aviation industry's competitiveness. More specifically, the results show that the European countries are creating a single European aviation market in order to stand against the US' so-called 'divide and nile policy' and 'encirclement strategy' and to make their airliners to have competitive advantages over the US airliners on the lucrative North-Atlantic air routes. Recently, the single European aviation market is expanding by including the Mediterranean and Balkan states to pursue Pan European aviation cooperation and to develop European Common Aviation Area so that it can continuously enhance its negotiating leverage against external markets. The results imply that it is urgent for the Northeast Asian countries to create their own regional aviation bloc to develop their aviation industry and to increase their negotiating power against external countries.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.243
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• pp.20-21
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• 1998

탈식민주의의 주된 논지는 유럽 제국주의의 붕괴라는 공통의 경험적 자료에서 출발한다. 변방에 속한 것은 식민지 본국에 속한 것에 대해, 즉 주변은 중심에 대해 반감을 갖게 되므로 탈식민지 문화의 모는 경험은 전복을 지향하는 경향을 띤다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.2
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• pp.87-107
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• 2010

This paper purports to compare the differences and similarities of social exclusions in Korea with those in the European countries, notably Germany, France, Sweden, Finland, Ireland and U.K. For this purpose, chapter two examines political and social origins of social exclusion as an alternative concept to poverty or unemployment. Chapter three discusses social exclusion paradigms of Silver(1994) in reference to welfare regime theories of Esping-Andersen(1990). Subsequently chapter four, using two artificial social exclusion indicators by principal component analysis, defines the basic nature of social exclusion of Korea in comparison with those of the six European countries. Chapter five duly concludes that social exclusions in Korea are very similar to those of liberal countries (Ireland and U.K.) in that income indicators (poverty and inequality) of Korea are much worse, whereas unemployment rate is relatively low.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2004

This study purports to explain the difference between the welfare reform of Britain and that of either European countries or USA. For this purpose, Chapter two documents and reviews the inter-party debates around the Clause Four in the Labour Constitution, and duly ascertains the role of the reciprocity principle in the development of New Labour Project. Then, Chapter three argues that this reciprocity principle guides and controls the whole process of workfare reform of the Labour Government since 1997. Finally, Chapter four concludes that the salient features of the British workfare reform originated from recent changes of the British political climates, that is, the ideological change of the Labour Party.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.28-42
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• 2019

What is unknown about Leibniz (Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, 1646~1716), a great philosopher and mathematician, is that he inquired about ginseng. Why Leibniz, one of the leading figures of the Enlightenment, became interested in ginseng? This paper excavates Leibniz's references on ginseng in his vast amount of correspondences and traces the path of his personal life and cultural context where the question about ginseng arose. From the sixteenth century, Europe saw a notable growth of medical botany, due to the rediscovery of such Greek-texts as Materia Medica and the introduction of a variety of new plants from the New World. In the same context, ginseng, the renowned panacea of the Old World began to appear in a number of European travelogues. As an important part of mercantilistic projects, major scientific academies in Europe embarked on the researches of valuable foreign plants including ginseng. Leibniz visited such scientific academies as the Royal Society in London and $Acad{\acute{e}}mie$ royale des sciences in Paris, and envisioned to establish such scientific society in Germany. When Leibniz visited Rome, he began to form a close relationship with Jesuit missionaries. That opportunity amplified his intellectual curiosity about China and China's famous medicine, ginseng. He inquired about the properties of ginseng to Grimaldi and Bouvet who were the main figures in Jesuit China mission. This article demonstrates ginseng, the unnoticed subject in the Enlightenment, could be an important clue that interweaves the academic landscape, the interactions among the intellectuals, and the mercantilistic expansion of Europe in the late 17th century.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.3-29
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• 2017

The study checked whether the trade-off relationship between the home ownerhip and welfare by Kemeny and Castles was still valid in four welfare regimes, and analysed the factors of change and stability on rate of home ownership between social democratic states and southern european states. Based on the results of the study, the relationship between housing ownership and public expenditure was confirmed only in the liberal welfare regime and in the conservative welfare regime, as evidenced by the 2014 data collection. Second, social democratic states have dramatically increased housing mortgage loans and showed signs of housing commodification but southern european states have showed pre commodification of housing, maintained comparatively whole home ownership and low mortgage loans. Third, social democratic states has resulted in a rise in housing demand and housing prices, through reduced new housing and social rented housing construction, home owenership friendly taxation and generous lending policies, but southern european states have maintained a stable housing demand and housing prices thanks to the rich housing stocks, extended family, self provision and self promotion by close relatives, and intergenerational inheritance and transfers of housing. Although sequence of the equity ownership and welfare are still unclear, it is not a rational alternatives to induce housing ownership through large mortgage loans.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.