• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.9-18
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• 2014

This study is to carry out literary study about the subject of Martial Study in Song Dynasty which was in charge of military strategy education. Martial Examination and Martial Study were related to military officials in China, and also have important value of historical materials in physical education dealing with martial arts as traditional physical activity. To be a military official would be possible to correspond with such requirements as knowledge that sports experts should have, leadership as a leader, and ability reinforcement through physical training, and the effort to pass Martial examination as the chance of status rise contributed to developing sports and culture because the necessity of training military arts was emphasized in social situations. Martial Study establishment became a clue of creating and spreading the notion that General should have virtue and justice as an ideological style of new-Confucianism (neo-Confucianism and Sung Confucianism) in Song Dynasty. After founded in 1043 and equipped with a formal aspect in 1072, Martial Study got the political effect and improved national competitiveness while its function of cultivating and selecting excellent capable persons was going on smoothly. Educational contents in Martial Study were understanding and flexibly applying the skills of infantrymen, cavalrymen, and bowmen and the meanings and theories of confucian classics, testing problem solutions of reality, and teaching the measures of the problem. Martial Study included three aspects of military capable persons, war, and weapons and took charge of the function of education, selection, and promotion, steadily supporting development and continuance of Martial examination institution.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.115-151
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• 2021

According to Lee Young-geum, the ideas of grievance resolution and mutual beneficence were already present in shamanism. She also insists that Jeungsan merely theorized upon these ideas by inheriting them and his religious activities must be identified from within a shamanistic worldview. Contrary to Lee's claim, Cha Seon-keun argues that the grievance resolution of Jeungsan is far beyond the contents and level of development found in shamanism. He also insists that Jeungsan's religious activities must be identified as having a certain orderly uniqueness distinct from shamanism. The argument between these two different perspectives has not attracted other researchers besides those who are directly involved. However, this debate deserves attention with regard to the problem of how one approaches a given religion and which academic perspective should be applied. Based on the perspective of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, this study examines their debate by considering four issues. Firstly, whether Jeungsan inherited or expanded upon the subject of grievance resolution and its range remains undetermined. Secondly, the ethics of mutual beneficence and grateful reciprocation in Jeungsan's concept of grievance resolution should be analyzed as to whether that idea reasserts the ethics of shamanism. Thirdly, it is necessary to study whether his method of grievance resolution fully embraced the methods of grievance resolution that exist in shamanism. Lastly, it should be determined whether or not Jeungsan's religious activities and system of thought should be identified within a shamanistic worldview. Through this review, Lee and Cha can be shown to have different opinions on the academic approach to research on religion. Accordingly, this study concludes that Lee's method of only interpreting Jeungsan's religious thought via a shamanic worldview is incompatible with academic methodology. A scholar of religious studies should discuss Jeungsan on his own merits rather than just imply that Jeungsan thoroughly reflects the worldview of shamanism, doctrinal studies of Buddhism, and Daoist thought as well as other theologies. In other words, if certain tangible and intangible elements found in shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Christianity are also observed in Jeungsan's religious thought, it is necessary to comprehend how different or similar those elements are or whether they are re-interpreted in any manner. In the case of Lee, her method of overemphasizing similarities is now criticized as outdated. Nowadays, it is necessary to demonstrate awareness of modern religious studies tendency to pay equal attention to similarities and differences.

• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.221-237
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• 2003

China has not thousands years history and culture but more than 50 times huge territory compare to Korea. Moreover, China is a multiracial country which has 56 minority races including Han race. Today's food culture of China has been established based on historic, regional, and racial features. China is located adjacent to Korea and historically has had close relationship with Korea. Moreover, China and Korea have had interaction in politic, economic, and cultural respects. In this aspect, the food culture of China has had great influence to the food culture of Korea. Therefore, this study purposed to understand the food culture of China more deeply which has been passed over, through researching food culture based on Chinese foods in five thousands historic stream. As the result of researching Chinese food by times in terms of food culture, which has been well known by only cuisine, the food culture of China had been changed by rise and fall of several dynasties. In addition, food styles had divided the south and north by inflowing western food materials and deep relation to Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and the principles of yin-yang.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.511-538
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• 2004

The aim of this paper is to investigate the characteristics of place-names in old map of Andong-Bu mapped in Chosun Dynasty. A place-name is a linguistic expression whose function is to identify a topographic feature. The place-names in old map of Andong-Bu normally involve physical, administrative, military, economic, transport, and cultural features. The cultural place-names are more meaningful in Andong-Bu which was a center of confucianism in Chosun Dynasty. The generic place-names, including cultural place-names such as school, pavilion, temple, etc., served as indicators to identify regional characteristics of Andong in the past and present. A study on the place-names, using old maps, is regarded as advisable attempt in regional approach in geography.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.135-161
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• 2009

"논어"는 진시황(秦始皇)의 "분서갱유(焚書坑儒)"로 크게 손실되었다가 한대(漢代)에 이르러 크게 "노론(魯論)", "제론(齊論)", "고론(古論)" 등 3개의 다른 판본이 출현하였다. "노론(魯論)"과 "제론(齊論)"은 각기 다른 사승관계에 의해 전수되어 오다 장우(張禹)에 의해 두 본이 하나로 합쳐지게 되었고, 이후 세상에서 널리 읽혀지게 되었다. 20세기(世紀) 말, 돈황(敦煌)과 토노번(吐魯番)에서 수많은 당사본(唐寫本)들이 발견되었는데, 그 중에 정현(鄭玄)의 "논어주(論語注)"와 하안(何晏)의 "논어집해(論語集解)" 등이 포함되어 있었다. 또한 1973년 서한(西漢) 중산(中山) 회왕(懷王) 유수(劉修)의 무덤에서도 죽간(竹簡)에 쓰여진 "논어(論語)"가 출토되었다. 본고에서는 현재 "논어" 판본 중에서 가장 이른 시기에 속하는 이들 3개의 출토문헌 자료와 전래본인 주자(朱子)의 "논어집주(論語集注)"의 비교를 통하여 한위(漢魏)시기 이래로 여러 "논어"본들이 정리되어가는 과정과 그 과정에서 파생된 제반 문제들을 살펴보았다. 이를 통하여 여러 판본들의 공통점과 차이점들을 살펴볼 수 있었고, 또한 한나라 이후 꾸준히 논란이 되어 왔던 내용과 이를 바탕으로 전래본에서 수정 보완된 부분들을 발견할 수 있었다. 기존 한국의 "논어" 연구는 후대의 전래본을 중심으로 그 철학적인 사상을 분석하는데 편중되어 왔다. 이들 연구는 상당부분 후대에 가미된 글자와 내용을 논어의 원문으로 오인하고, 이를 통해 추론해 낸 결론들도 원래의 사실과 거리가 있을 수밖에 없었다. 그러므로 우리는 20세기 이래로, 고고학적 발굴 성과에 힘입어 지하에서 출토되는 새로운 자료들에 대해 주위를 기울일 필요가 있다. 특히 최근에 출토되는 간독(簡牘)자료에 수많은 경전관련 자료들이 포함되어 있다. 이러한 일차 자료들을 정리분석하고 이를 토대로 그 안에 내재되어 있는 경학, 철학, 역사적인 의미 등을 추론해 낸다면 좀 더 근본적으로 고대사회의 정신문명을 이해할 수 있으리라 본다. 따라서 본 연구는 이러한 방향에서 "논어" 연구의 올바른 토대를 마련하기 위한 기초적 작업으로서의 의의가 있다고 하겠다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.241-260
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore Buddhist interpretation of Jeong Mong-joo, a Confucian scholar of the late Goryeo Dynasty. Buddhism in the latter part of the Goryeo Dynasty was no longer able to exercise the social purity of the national spirit and culture. In this situation, Neo-Confucian was gradually accepted. Thus, a change of ideology was made from Buddhism to Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo's academic world was based on the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo was especially well versed on the Book of Changes in the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo emphasized the Book of Changes as the basis of the Buddhist interpretation. Jeong Mong-joo met the doctrines through various Buddhist scriptures. He was interested in Buddhism. There were not a few meetings and social gatherings with Buddhist monks. For this reason, Jeong Mong-joo cannot ignore his connection with Buddhism. On the other hand, Jeong Mong-joo is characterized by his understanding of Buddhism and his critical consciousness as Confucianist.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.22
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• pp.317-344
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• 2014

There are many modern elements in religions appeared in the early Korean modern era. From the nationalism perspective, most religions had tendencies toward anti-feudalism and anti-foreign power. Pak Eun Sik(朴殷植) emphasized the importance to explain those religions as the National Religion in his writing 《Korea Painful History(韓國痛史)》. That is, he realized those as one of Korean spirits or souls keeping Korean identities like the Jew's Judaism or the Turk's Islam. In the paper, I try to analyze religions on Kang Jeung San(姜甑山) with Daesoonjinri-hoe as the central figure from Pak's perspective. In the early Korean modern era when Kang went his own the Savior way, Korea and its society got into uncontrollable confusion because of strong demands both of a feudal-state breaking and against pillaging foreign-power especially Japan. For all countries of the world, it is difficult to change from a feudal state into the modern nation state to keep existing society order. Because the reformation under old social systems means the incomplete reformation. So in this era new religions showed the neglected class of people the vision of new society. Meanwhile Korean society try to become a modern state, and now became a recognized modern state in international society. But it is still insufficient to debate on groups and their roles for Korea modernity in that time especially new religions. Since Korea independence, new religions including Daesoonjinrihoe have not receive good reviews because of a certain religion group expansion and the government's regulation and control toward new religions. Till today, I think, Independence Movement as well as reform of modern awareness have not relatively receive reasonable reviews. So I hope to serve as a momentum that in early Korea modern era new religions receive reasonable and positive reviews.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.26-38
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.