• The Journal of Korean Institute of Communications and Information Sciences
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.26-27
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• 1978

It can be expected that intelligence and knowledge will be the core of the post-industrial society in a near future. Accordingly, the age of intelligence shall be accelerated extensively to find ourselves in an age of 'Communication' service enterprise. The communication actions will increase its efficiency and multiply its utility, indebted to its scientic principles and legal idea. The two basic elements of communication action, that is, communication station and communication men are considered to perform their function when they are properly supported and managed by the government administration. Since the communication action itself is composed of various factors, the elements such as communication stations and officials must be cultivated and managed by specialist or experts with continuous and extensive study practices concerned. With the above mind, this study reviewed our public service officials law with a view to improve it by providing some suggestions for communication experts and researchers to find suitable positions in the framework of government administration. In this study, I would like to suggest 'Occupational Group of Communication' that is consisted of a series of comm, management positions and research positions in parallel to the existing series of comm, technical position. The communication specialist or expert is required to be qualified with necessary scientific knowledge and techniques of communication, as well as prerequisites as government service officials. Communication experts must succeed in the first hand to obtain government licence concerned in with the government law and regulation, and international custom before they can be appointed to the official positions. This system of licence-prior-to-appointment is principally applied in the communication management position. And communication research positions are for those who shall engage themselves to the work of study and research in the field of both management and technical nature. It is hopefully expected that efficient and extensive management of communication activities, as well as scientific and continuous study over than communication enterprise will be upgraded at national dimensions.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.589-600
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• 2007

Recently, with the rapid expansion of the franchise restaurants, ensuring food safety has become essential for restaurant growth. Consequently, the need for food safety training and related material is in increasing demand. In this study, we identified potentially hazardous risk factors for ensuring food safety in restaurants through a food safety monitoring tool, and developed training materials for restaurant employees based on the results. The surveyed restaurants, consisting of 6 Korean restaurants and 1 Japanese restaurant were located in Seoul. Their average check was 15,500 won, ranging from 9,000 to 23,000 won. The range of their total space was 297.5 to $1322.4m^2$, and the amount of kitchen space per total area ranged from 4.4 to 30 percent. The mean score for food safety management performance was 57 out of 100 points, with a range of 51 to 73 points. For risk factor analysis, the most frequently cited sanitary violations involved the handwashing methods/handwashing facilities supplies (7.5%), receiving activities (7.5%), checking and recording of frozen/refrigerated foods temperature (0%), holding foods off the floor (0%), washing of fruits and vegetables (42%), planning and supervising facility cleaning and maintaining programs of facilities (50%), pest control (13%), and toilet equipped/cleaned (13%). Base on these results, the main points that were addressed in the hygiene training of restaurant employees included 4 principles and 8 concepts. The four principles consisted of personal hygiene, prevention of food contamination, time/temperature control, and refrigerator storage. The eight concepts included: (1) personal hygiene and cleanliness with proper handwashing, (2) approved food source and receiving management (3) refrigerator and freezer control, (4) storage management, (5) labeling, (6) prevention of food contamination, (7) cooking and reheating control, and (8) cleaning, sanitation, and plumbing control. Finally, a hygiene training manual and poster leaflets were developed as a food safety training materials for restaurants employees.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.215-236
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• 2006

This article focused on the meaning of the 1979 Moon Treaty and its future. Although the Moon Treaty is one of the major 5 space related treaties, it was accepted by only 11 member states which are non-space powers, thus having the least enfluences on the field of space law. And this article analysed the relationship between the 1979 Moon Treay and 1967 Space Treaty which was the first principle treaty, and searched the meaning of the "Common Heritage of Mankind(hereinafter CHM)" stipulated in the Moon treaty in terms of international law. This article also dealt with the present and future problems arising from the Moon Treaty. As far as the 1967 Space Treaty is concerned the main standpoint is that outer space including the moon and the other celestial bodies is res extra commercium, areas not subject to national appropriation like high seas. It proclaims the principle non-appropriation concerning the celestial bodies in outer space. But the concept of CHM stipulated in the Moon Treaty created an entirely new category of territory in international law. This concept basically conveys the idea that the management, exploitation and distribution of natural resources of the area in question are matters to be decided by the international community and are not to be left to the initiative and discretion of individual states or their nationals. Similar provision is found in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention that operates the International Sea-bed Authority created by the concept of CHM. According to the Moon Treaty international regime will be established as the exploitation of the natural resources of the celestial bodies other than the Earth is about to become feasible. Before the establishment of an international regime we could imagine moratorium upon the expoitation of the natural resources on the celestial bodies. But the drafting history of the Moon Treaty indicates that no moratorium on the exploitation of natural resources was intended prior to the setting up of the international regime. So each State Party could exploit the natural resources bearing in mind that those resouces are CHM. In this respect it would be better for Korea, now not a party to the Moon Treaty, to be a member state in the near future. According to the Moon Treaty the efforts of those countries which have contributed either directly or indirectly the exploitation of the moon shall be given special consideration. The Moon Treaty, which although is criticised by some space law experts represents a solid basis upon which further space exploration can continue, shows the expression of the common collective wisdom of all member States of the United Nations and responds the needs and possibilities of those that have already their technologies into outer space.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.39 no.4 s.261
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• pp.269-274
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• 2006

Background: Tetralogy of Fallot (TOF) with pulmonary atresia and major aortopulmonary collateral arteries (MAPCAS) is complex lesion with marked heterogeneity of pulmonary blood supply and arborization anomalies. Patients with TOF with PA and MAPCAS have traditionally required multiple staged unifocalization of pulmonary blood supply before undergoing complete repair. In this report, we describe recent change of strategy and the results in our institution. Material and Method: We established surgical stratagies: early correction, central mediastinal approach, initial RV-PA conduit interposition, and aggressive intervention. Between July 1998 and August 2004, 23 patients were surgically treated at our institution. We divided them into 3 groups by initial operation method; group I: one stage total correction, group II: RV-PA conduit and unifocalization, group III: RV-PA conduit interposition only. Result: Mean ages at initial operation in each group were $13.9{\pm}16.0$ months (group 1), $10.4{\pm}15.6$ months (group II), and $7.9{\pm}7.7$ months (group III). True pulmonary arteries were not present in f patient and the pulmonary arteries were confluent in 22 patients. The balloon angioplasty was done in average 1.3 times (range: $1{\sim}6$). There were 4 early deaths relating initial operation, and 1 late death due to incracranial hemorrhage after definitive repair. The operative mortalities of initial procedures in each group were 25.0% (1/4: group I), 20.0% (2/10: group II), and 12.2% (1/9: group III). The causes of operative mortality were hypoxia (2), low cardiac output (1) and sudden cardiac arrest (1). Definitive repair rates in each group were 75% (3/4) in group I, 20% (2/10, fenestration: 2) in group II, and 55.0% (5/9, fenestration: 1) in group III. Conclusion: In patients of TOF with PA and MAPCAS, RV-PA connection as a initial procedure could be performed with relatively low risk, and high rate of definitive repair can be obtained in the help of balloon pulmonary angioplasty. One stage RV-PA connection and unifocalization appeared to be successful in selected patients.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.17-25
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• 1998

Purpose : Although local recurrence rates of stomach cancer after radiocal surgery have been reported in the range of $30-70\%$, the role of postoperative adjuvant therapy has not been established. We report the result of radiotherapy in resected stomach cancer with positive surgical margin to elucidate the role of postoperative radiotherapy. Materials and Methods : From June 1991 to August 1996, twenty five patients with positive surgical margins after radical gastrectomy were treated with postoperative radiotherapy and chemotherapy. Median dose of radiation was 55.8Gy and the range was 44.6-59.4Gy. Second cycle of chemotherapy was delivered concurrently with radiation and total number of six cycles were delivered. Twenty three had adenocarcinoma and the other two had leiornyosarcoma. The numbers of patients with stage I B, II, III A, III B, and IV were 1, 2, 11, 10 and 1 respectively. Positive margins at distal end of the stomach were in 17 patients and proximal in 5. The other three patients had positive margin at the sites of adjacent organ invasion Minimum and median follow-up periods were 12 months and 18 months, respectively, Results : Twenty-four of 25 patients received prescribed radiation dose and RTOG grade 3 toxicity of UGI tract was observed in 3, all of which were weight loss more than $15\%$ of their pretreatment weight. But hematemesis. melena, intestinal obstruction or grade 4 toxicity were not found. Locoregional failure within the radiation field was observed in 7 patients, and distant metastasis in 10 patients. Sites of locoregional recurrences involve anastomosis/remnant stomach in 3, tumor bed/duodenal stump in 3, regional lymph node in 1 patient Peritoneal seeding occurred in 6, liver metastases months and median disease free survival time was 26 months. Stages andradiation dose were not significant prognostic factors for locoregional in 2, and distant nodes in 2 patients. Four year disease specificsurvival rate was $40\%$ and disease free survival was $48\%$. Median survival was 35 failures. Conculsion : Although all patients in this study had positive surgical margins, locoregional failure rate was $28\%$, and 4 year disease specific survival rate was $40\%$. Considering small number of patients and relatively short follow-up period, it is not certain that postoperative radiotherapy lowered locoregional recurrences. but we could find a Possibility of the role of postoperative radiotherapy in Patients with high risk factors.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.96-119
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• 2015

This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.371-405
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• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.70-79
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• 1992

From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.