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The Past and Future of Public Engagement with Science and Technology (참여적 과학기술 거버넌스의 전개와 전망)

  • Kim, Hyomin;Cho, Seung Hee;Song, Sungsoo
    • Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.99-147
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    • 2016
  • This paper critically reviews the previous discussion over public engagement with science and technology by Science and Technology Studies literatures with a focus on justification and acceptance. Recent studies pointed out that the "participatory turn" after the late 1990s was followed by confusion and disagreement over the meaning and agency of public engagement. Their discussion over the reproduction of the ever-present boundary between science and society along with so-called late modernity and post-normal science and sometimes through the very processes of public engagement draws fresh attention to the old problem: how can lay participation in decision-making be justified, even if we agree that privileging the position of experts in governance of science and technology is no longer justified? So far STS have focused on two conditions for participatory turn-1) uncertainties inherent in experts' ways of knowing and 2) practicability of lay knowledge. This paper first explicated why such discussion has not been logically sufficient nor successful in promoting a wide and well-thought-out acceptance of public engagement. Then the paper made a preliminary attempt to explain what new types of expertise can support the construction and sustainment of participatory governance in science and technology by focusing on one case of lay participation. The particular case discussed by the paper revolves around the actions of a civil organization and an activist who led legal and regulatory changes in wind power development in Jeju Special Self-governing Province. The paper analyzed the types of expertise constructed to be effective and legitimate during the constitution of participatory energy governance and the local society's support for it. The arguments of this paper can be summarized as follows. First, an appropriate basis of the normative claim that science and technology governance should make participatory turn cannot be drawn from the essential characteristics of lay publics-as little as of experts. Second, the type of 'expertise' which can justify participatory governance can only be constructed a posteriori as a result of the practices to re-construct the boundaries between factual statements and value judgment. Third, an intermediary expertise, which this paper defines as a type of expertise in forming human-nonhuman associations and their new pathways for circulations, made significant contribution in laying out the legal and regulatory foundation for revenue sharing in Jeju wind power development. Fourth, experts' conventional ways of knowing need to be supplemented, not supplanted, by lay expertise. Ultimately, the paper calls for the necessity to extend STS discussion over governance toward following the actors. What needs more thorough analysis is such actors' narratives and practices to re-construct the boundaries between the past and present, facts and values, science and society. STS needs a renewed focus on the actual sites of conflicts and decision-making in discussing participatory governance.

A Study on the Concept of 'Hyanghwa' of Chosun Dynasty (조선시대(朝鮮時代) '향화(向化)'개념에 대한 연구(硏究) - 『조선왕조실록(朝鮮王朝實錄)』을 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Seo, Geun-sik
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.7-31
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    • 2009
  • The word, 'Naturalization(向化)' is an unfamiliar term for us; however, to us as citizens who live in a multicultural society, it is a word worthy of hearty appreciation even once. At the present Korean dictionary, it has been defined as the word related to those terms such as Enlightenment(敎化) which are used to explicate the governance through a virtue of moral excellence(德治主義) of Confucianism, and the word, 'Hyanghwa(向化)' itself has already included the meaning of Enlightenment(敎化). On many occasions, people who were dubbed the converts or the naturalized citizens(向化人) emigrated to Chosun because there were such substantial reasons as economic and political advantages, rather than living in a society for reasons to the governance through a virtue of moral excellence(德治主義). Therefore, to understand the converts or the Naturalized citizens(向化人) correctly, it shall be required to examine the cause which is the governance through a virtue of moral excellence together with the true realities which are economic and political advantages. The word, such as Hwangjoin(皇朝人) should be considered in order to understand the meaning of 'Naturalization(向化)'. Hwangjoin(皇朝人) were those displaced people who had been forced to leave the fallen Ming Dynasty, and they will be contrasted with the converts or Naturalized citizens(向化人) that were mainly composed of the Northern tribes or Japanese. Actually, Naturalized citizens(向化人) and Hwangjoin(皇朝人) had all emigrated to Chosun because of changes in international affairs, meanwhile, however, they were treated differently for the reason that they were 'Hwai'(華夷). If we dub Chosun 'Self'(我), Naturalized citizens(向化人) and Hwangjoin(皇朝人) are equally called as 'The Other persons'(他者). Can we say that Chosun had established the right relationship with Other persons(他者)? Judging from the facts that there was occurrence of convert or naturalization for the other persons, dubbed Naturalized citizens(向化人) and that there was another occurrence of emigrants, called Hwangjoin(皇朝人), it is evident that the Relationships between the two had not rightly established. Also, the names so called Naturalized citizens(向化人) and Hwangjoin(皇朝人) were not given according to the preference of the other person, but provided by Chosun one-sidedly. The reasons for occurrence of convert or naturalization for the other persons, dubbed Naturalized citizens(向化人) and for occurrence of other emigrants, called Hwangjoin(皇朝人) were ideology such as 'Hwai'(華夷). It is thought that the Relationships between 'Self'(我) and 'The Other Person'(他者) can be established only after excluding ideology.

Augustin und die Rhetorik (아우구스티누스와 수사학)

  • Hahn, Seok-whan
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.116
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    • pp.389-410
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    • 2010
  • Augustin wurde sozusagen von der Rhetorik zum Christentum bekehrt. Der einstmalige Rhetorikprofessor (bis 386) distanziert sich von seiner $fr{\ddot{u}}heren$ Kunst. Aber er $kn{\ddot{u}}pft$ als Bischof im vierten Buch seiner weniger bekannten Schrift "De doctrina Christiana" (DDC; abgef. 427) wieder an die antike Rhetorik, speziell an Cicero, an. So wird die augustinische $Sp{\ddot{a}}tschrift$ $f{\ddot{u}}r$ eine antike Rhetorik in christlicher Verwendung gehalten. Es stellt nun die Frage, was Augustin zur $R{\ddot{u}}ckkehr$ zu seiner $fr{\ddot{u}}heren$ Kunst bewegte. Neuere Forschungen sehen in Augustins Werk eine Grundlage der mittelalterlichen Predigttheorie oder einen $blo{\ss}en$ Versuch, die Rhetorik vom Makel des Sophistischen zu befreien. Gewiss ist seine Einstellung zur "leeren Beredsamkeit" der Sophistik eindeutig, aber dies war eine Haltung, die letztlich von allen seinen christlichen Zeitgenossen geteilt wurde und folglich eines geringen Beweises bedurfte. Die Aufmerksamkeit, die Augustins $sp{\ddot{a}}terem$ Einfluss und seiner Ablehnung der Zweiten Sophistik geschenkt wird, kann den Blick $tr{\ddot{u}}ben$ $f{\ddot{u}}r$ seine Rolle bei der $L{\ddot{o}}sung$ eines christlichen Dilemmas aus dem vierten Jahrhundert. Augustin sah die Gefahren einer entgegengesetzten rhetorischen $H{\ddot{a}}resie$. Die $S{\ddot{u}}nde$ des Sophisten besteht darin, dass er die Notwendigkeit des Inhalts verneint und glaubt, nur die forma alleine sei $w{\ddot{u}}nschenswert$. Der gegenteilige Fehler, dem Geschichtsschreiber der Rhetorik niemals einen Namen gegeben haben, beruht auf dem Glauben, dass derjenige, der im Besitz der Wahrheit ist, auch ipso facto in der Lage ist, die Wahrheit anderen zu ${\ddot{u}}bermitteln$. Es handelt sich um eine $ausschlie{\ss}liche$ $Abh{\ddot{a}}ngigkeit$ von der materia. Augustin erkannte eine Gefahr und benutzte DDC dazu, eine Verbindung von Inhalt und Form in der christlichen Predigt voranzutreiben. Nur wenn man daher das Buch als einen Teil der $gro{\ss}en$ Debatte des vierten Jahrhunderts ansieht, tritt seine historische Bedeutung klar hervor. Der Leser ist beeindruckt davon, dass der Autor darauf insistiert, es sei eine Torheit, dem Feind ein $n{\ddot{u}}tzliches$ Instrument zu ${\ddot{u}}berlassen$. Augustin $erkl{\ddot{a}}rt$, dass die Kunst der Beredsamkeit rege in Gebrauch genommen und nicht kurzerhand abgelehnt werden solle, weil sie mit dem Makel des Heidentums behaftet sei. Kurz gesagt, geplant ist das vierte Buch von DDC als eine ratio eloquentiae Christianae.

The Method of the Cultivation of Taste and the Possibility of the Edification of Personality & the Cultural Development Through It: The Approach to Analyzing the Examples of the Judgment of Negative Taste in Kant's Critique of Judgment(§§32-33) (취미 도야의 방식과 이를 통한 인성의 교화 및 문화발전의 가능성: 칸트의 『판단력비판』 §§32-33 부정적 취미판단의사례 분석을 중심으로)

  • Yang, Hee-Jin
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • no.117
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    • pp.139-167
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    • 2017
  • This essay attempts to reveal how taste spontaneously cultivates and why it is necessary for cultivating taste to edify our personality and to develop culture. It is a key of the solution of the problems that taste always reflects its judgment through pleasure. Because the grounds of the universal validity of the judgment of taste are found, whenever taste tests the validity of its own judgment, the so-called 'delight of discovery' makes taste cultivate itself. For having the moral personality, we need to practice spontaneously the morality of our own behaviour and for judging whether an artwork to represent the period is succeeded or not, we need to have a high insight to select the cultural heritage. But the autonomous thinking can delightfully be made a habit, judging the beauty of artworks. In the main body of this essay, it is determined from the three examples of the negative judgment of taste which Kant suggested in deduction. According to Kant, the negative judgment of taste means that the beautiful work is displeased, but what it asserts is that taste is cultivated. I formalize the methods of reflection of taste revealed in three negative judgments of taste into'resisting', 'indicating of error', 'self-retracting'.(Chapter 2) And from this, I emphasize the necessity to cultivate taste in the way that these methods of the cultivation of taste can affect building our personality by stimulating our reason to have interest in moral(Chapter 3) and in the way that taste directly judges the product of cultural succession.(Chapter 4) In the end of last chapter, I examine further essentially the method of the reflection of taste, to inquire into how to enable it.(Chapter 5) Especially, I try to illuminate its grounds through Schiller's concept of the "impulse of amusement(Spieltrib)", because his explanation helps us to understand the dynamics of taste's delight of discovery. Although the abilities of mind conflict with each other, taste has the characters that it reflects to encourage them for each other and that it is vitalized by its own activity. We, as it were, can pleasantly handle two tasks, because taste makes the impulse of amusement from conflictive impulses in mind. In conclusion, I state that we have to experience directly the impulse of amusement like creative artist, because it is maximized from creation.

A. Artaud or the Prisoner of Language (앙토냉 아르토 혹은 언어의 수형자)

  • Park, Hyung-Sub
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.45
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    • pp.219-243
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    • 2016
  • The life of Antonin Artaud exactly reproduces a very cruel drama. He lived in constant anguish and suffered from severe mental pain. This research will trace his thoughts in his writings while he was a prisoner of language. Artaud was a poet filled with anxiety about language, things, being, and thought. Whenever he tried to explain the mystery of being by means of mundane language, he experienced psychological agony. His poetic thoughts began to break down, because of his identity loss. Nevertheless, he was destined to grasp the world through language. Artaud had suffered from mental illness during his youth. His mental illness was associated with his difficulty in creating poetry. In this research, the letter, Correspondance avec Jacques $Rivi{\grave{e}}re$, is analyzed. The poet refers to "the collapse of the spirit's core, and the erosion of the fundamental thought that slips away" to convey his linguistic incompetence. Hereafter, he constantly demonstrated anxious mental symptoms. Even though he became mentally deranged, he maintained his consciousness, as is apparent in his writings. Also, his spiritual belief is reflected in his mental uneasiness. While he was traveling through the Tarahumaras area in Mexico, he was obsessed with its primitive belief in the Peyote rituals, and he immersed himself in performing them. His unchristian belief was the product of his mystical personality. Until his last breath, he did not give up writing. Artaud's mental derangement does not mean lunacy, but if one insists in calling it so, that is a metaphor. His derangement comes from his refusal to accept his limitations and from his aspiring to regard his body in the same light as his intellectual perceptions. His intellect could manifest more easily when his mind was elevated to the extreme. Artaud's lunacy is no different from that of a profound philosopher. The lives of poets who suffer from mental derangement are more poetic than the lives of those who do not. Artaud's atypical emotions provide a way of to measure our own limitations, helplessness, and resignation. His scream is nonsegmental but different from that of a mental patient. That difference is why people are interested in his works and wish to delve into his writings.

Establishment and Operation of the Local Government Archives: Recommendations (지방기록물관리기관 설립의 방향과 방법)

  • Ji, Su-gol
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.21
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    • pp.247-281
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    • 2009
  • Local governments in Korea, sixteen in total, shall establish local government archives to and manage preserve their permanent archives to comply with the Public Records Management Act amended in October 2006. National Archives of Korea(NAK) directed the local governments to recruit legally qualified archivists by the end 0f 2006 and to plan on the establishment and operation of the local government archives by the end 2007. However, none of the government archives was established by far. Government officials in NAK and the local governments raised the limits of the budget and human resources. What is more serious is that they don't concern why the archives are necessary and what missions and functions the archives should have. In this paper, I summarized the present situation and problems in establishing the local archives, and what we will do to establish normal government archives. First, local governments should establish "local government records commissions" and employ qualified archivists. The local government records commission should comprise concerned and qualified members. The records commission, as a policy and decision-making body, should make plans and implement the plans to establish the local archives, establish professional training programs to produce qualified archivists, promote local archives community activities, determine operational issues, and make a long-term development plan satisfying local demands. Second, the local government archives share existing repositories of NAK. Third, after the establishment of the archives, the local archives should perform normal records and archives management of the local governments as records acts mandate, do general records surveys and appraise the records created in the local governments. The local government archives should collect valuable local archives including private archives, and arrange and make usable them to provide access. They also promote and coordinate various cultural heritage community activities related to the local archives.

The Development and Originality of Wind Chimes of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대 풍탁(風鐸)의 전개와 독창성)

  • Lee, Young-sun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.292-307
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    • 2019
  • Buddhists have always tended to adorn and embellish Buddhist statues and their surrounding spaces in order to exhibit the grandeur and sublime nature of the Buddha. The various kinds of splendid instruments and implements used in such ornamentation are collectively called jangeomgu in Korean. Thus, the term jangeomgu encompasses articles used to decorate Buddhist statues, halos, and baldachin, as well as Buddhist banners and wind chimes, which are generally hung outside a building. Wind chimes are still widely used at Buddhist temples. In China, judging from various structures such as the Wooden Stupa of Yongningsi in Luoyang and the Dunhuang Caves, wind chimes began to be used around the sixth century. As for Korea, Buddhism was first introduced from China during the Three Kingdoms Period, and Koreans accordingly began to build Buddhist temples and buildings. It would appear that wind chimes came to be used around the time that the first temples were built. The oldest extant wind chime in Korea is the gilt-bronze wind chime of Baekje, discovered at the Mireuksa Temple Site in Iksan. In general, Korean wind chimes dating from the Three Kingdoms Period are classified into two general types according to their shape and elevation, i.e., those shaped like a Buddhist bell and those shaped like a trapezoid. As these two forms of wind chimes have influenced each other over time, those made during the Goryeo dynasty, having inherited the style, structure, and design of the preceding period, display such features. At the same time, the artisans who produced wind chimes pursued technical development and adopted free, yet not extravagant, designs. In particular, Goryeo wind chimes are characterized by original designs created through exchanges with other Buddhist art forms of the same period, such as the embossed lotus design band of Goryeo bells; the bullmun design, which served to display the grandeur of the royal family; the samhwanmun design, which consisted of decorating the interior of a Goryeo incense burner with three holes; Sanskrit designs; and designs inspired by the windows and doors of stone pagodas. In this way, the production of Goryeo wind chimes developed with a focus on purpose while being free of formal constraints. This study started out from the fact that the largest number of Korean wind chimes were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, research on wind chimes should be based on those of the Goryeo dynasty, especially since fewer relevant studies have been conducted compared to studies on other forms of Buddhist art. For the purposes of this study, the reasons for the production of wind chimes will be examined first, followed by an examination of the various styles of Korean wind chimes. Then, based on the findings of this investigation, the development and characteristics of the wind chimes produced during the Goryeo dynasty will be explored for each period.

A Study on the Architectural Characteristic Jang-Dae of Castle in the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 성곽 장대의 건축특성에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Ki-hyeon;Chang, Hun-duck
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.2
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    • pp.120-141
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    • 2015
  • This paper is a preliminary study of architectural characteristics of Jangdae (general's podium), which shows one of the technical changes in fortification of Joseon Dynasty. As a facility for commands of generals and training for officers and men, it was located inside a fortress. Although it is not certain when the first Jangdae was built, the number of them dramatically increased around 18th century. Since the top priority function of the Jangdae was the prospect, it was installed at the hilly spot with open architecture. In addition, the open structure of Eupseong fortress towers on the riverside banks could simultaneously offer the functions as viewing around and Jangdae. Since Jangdae was also a place for military drills and reviews of soldiers, a wide podium was positioned at the front to muster the soldiers. This feature was standardized in the space organization of Jangdae in Joseon, and a mere podium was installed unless the topographic restrictions allows enough space. On the other hand, as a place for a commander, the hierarchy of the Jangdae was revealed through a variety of architectural characteristics. The hierarchy was assigned to the commander's space through the altitude difference, and diverse ornaments were added to show a sense of class. The floor plan of the Jangdae building can be largely categorized into rectangle and square, and the typical sizes of the former are $5{\times}4$ Kans (traditional measuring unit between two columns) and $3{\times}2$ Kans. Out of these two types, buildings of $5{\times}4$ Kans were found in flat land and eupseong fortresses with large space, and the relatively smaller ones of $3{\times}2$ Kans in mountain fortresses. All buildings of square floor plan had $3{\times}3$ Kans style, and the center Kan was twice wider than the side Kan to make the central space wide. It seems that the purpose was to secure the interior space of the upper story because the center Kan accounts for the floor area of the upper story. Some Jangdae's had internal story to form overhead space. The multi-roofed tower style with eaves attached to the upper and lower story is found exclusively in Jangdae. The buildings shows the Onkanmulim style which extends Naejinju (inner column) of the lower story to be the Byeonju (outer column) of the upper story, and the log-framed floor in the upper floor was structured by inserting the Changbang (connecting beam) between the Naejinju's and joining the log frames. In addition, the towers in eupseong fortresses had log-framed floor in the upper floor by setting up the high Nuhaju (column underneath a roof) and joining Cheongbang to the upper part of the column while it cannot be regarded as multi-roofed because only the upper part has a roof.

Numerical Analysis of the Grand Circulation Process of Mang-Bang Beach-Centered on the Shoreline Change from 2017. 4. 26 to 2018. 4. 20 (맹방해빈의 일 년에 걸친 대순환과정 수치해석 - 2017.4.26부터 2018.4.20까지의 해안선 변화를 중심으로)

  • Cho, Young Jin;Kim, In Ho;Cho, Yong Jun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Coastal and Ocean Engineers
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    • v.31 no.3
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    • pp.101-114
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    • 2019
  • In this study, we carry out the numerical simulation to trace the yearly shoreline change of Mang-Bang beach, which is suffering from erosion problem. We obtain the basic equation (One Line Model for shoreline) for the numerical simulation by assuming that the amount of shoreline retreat or advance is balanced by the net influx of longshore and cross-shore sediment into the unit discretized shoreline segment. In doing so, the energy flux model for the longshore sediment transport rate is also evoked. For the case of cross sediment transport, the modified Bailard's model (1981) by Cho and Kim (2019) is utilized. At each time step of the numerical simulation, we adjust a closure depth according to pertinent wave conditions based on the Hallermeier's analytical model (1978) having its roots on the Shield's parameter. Numerical results show that from 2017.4.26 to 2017.10.15 during which swells are prevailing, a shoreline advances due to the sustained supply of cross-shore sediment. It is also shown that a shoreline temporarily retreats due to the erosion by the yearly highest waves sequentially occurring from mid-October to the end of October, and is followed by gradual recovery of shoreline as high waves subdue and swells prevail. It is worth mentioning that great yearly circulation of shoreline completes when a shoreline retreats due to the erosion by the higher waves occurring from mid-March to the end of March. The great yearly circulation of shoreline mentioned above can also be found in the measured locations of shoreline on 2017.4.5, 2017.9.7, 2017.11.7, 2018.3.14. However, numerically simulated amount of shoreline retreat or advance is more significant than the physically measured one, and it should be noted that these discrepancies become more substantial for the case of RUN II where a closure depth is sustained to be as in the most morphology models like the Genesis (Hanson and Kraus, 1989).

The Issues of Workers' Solidarity and Labor Collectivism in terms of the American Two-Tier Wage Systems (미국 이중임금제를 통해 본 노조 연대와 집단이기주의의 문제)

  • Lee, Jeonghyun
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.22 no.3
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    • pp.221-251
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    • 2018
  • Two-tier wage systems mean the dual wage systems that the new wage system require the new future employees to get much lower wage level, compared to the level of wages for existing employees under the existing wage system. While it allows employers to benefit from low-cost advantages, the two-tier wage systems is definitely a type of wage discrimination by the collusion between management and trade unions in that it forces the new future employee to accept the low wages. Also it reflects extreme collectivism which old union members try to keep having their jobs and wages at the sacrifice of future members' wages. The two-tier wage systems had been introduced by airplane industry in 1980s and introduced again in Big Three auto companies in 2007. The purpose of this paper is to examine the history, contents, and details of two-tier wage system in the United States and to think of the possibility of recurrence of the systems in the context of Korean auto industry in the near future. The tentative findings from this paper implies that the two-tier wage systems will likely happen in Korean auto industry because the collusion between trade unions and management are found easily and the degree of extreme collectivism favored by the old permanent union members is seriously high. It is time for trade unions to go back to their original ideals and purposes and to revitalize solidarity among workers.