• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.44-65
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• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.168-197
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• 2017

This paper considers two aspects of the wooden chamber tombs with stone mound that were constructed in Wolseong North Burial Ground, in Gyeongju: tomb form and the group tomb complex. The basic unit of a wooden chamber tomb with stone mound consisted of a single round mound, covered with an additional earthen layer and surrounded by a circle of protective stones, within which a single wooden chamber was located. The form of a wooden chamber tomb with stone mound could therefore 1) be round, consisting of a single tomb unit, 2) consist of two or more attached tomb units, 3) or consist of multiple attached chambers in a single mound. The single tomb contained the burial of a single individual, and the attached tomb contained two or more individuals who were blood relations or connected by marriage. Multiple attached chambers tombs usually consisted of wooden chamber burials of the lowest rank, and have only been identified in the royal burial area of Wolseong North Burial Ground. At the Jjoksaem Area of Wolseong North Burial Ground, which is currently, under investigation, tombs have been found in small clusters along the slightly raised ground. This is likely the result of small groups of kin relations, upon selecting points along the slightly raised ground as their burial area, having constructed midsized and large single tombs and attached tombs along the axis of the slightly raised ground, which were then surrounded by smaller 'satellite' tombs. It is through this process that the tomb complex of the different groups came to be formed. The tombs of the royal burial area of Wolseong North Burial Ground, including the Daereungwon Tomb Complex, also formed group tomb complexes. Forming the centers of the group tomb complexes of the royal tomb area were huge individual round tombs where the Maripgan rulers were laid to rest or a gourd-shaped dual mound tomb, which was the final resting place of the king and his queen consort. These central tombs were surrounded by large and smaller tombs. Of the individuals that were buried in the group tomb complexes, there would have been individuals that were of equal status or social position, such as husbands and wives or blood relations, but it is unlikely that all of the buried individuals were related by blood, given the significant difference in the sizes of the tombs. It is likely that the individuals buried in the lower ranked tombs included in the group tomb complexes were 'dependents' of the deceased of the central tomb and his or her direct family who maintained a subservient relationship. Such tomb forms and group tomb complexes that can be observed amongst the wooden chamber tombs with stone mounds of Wolseong North Burial Ground provide insights into the nature of the social groups of the Silla center during the Maripgan Period. It is hoped that future studies undertaking a more detailed analysis of the data may make further contributions to unveiling the various aspects of Silla society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.254-267
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• 2019

Clamp resist dyeing is a resist dyeing technique in which a fabric is sandwiched between two or more pieces of woodcarving and then a pattern is expressed by dyeing. Records from nine years of King Heungdeok's reign during the Unified Silla dynasty show that the use of the clamp resist dyeing technique was banned for different garments. This was only for garments of YOOKDUPUMNYEO (六頭品女) or OHDUPUMNYEO (五頭品女). Given this, it can be assumed that clamp resisted fabrics were widely used, and the technique had been established during the Unified Silla dynasty or before. However, only the term can be found in the records. Neither its definition nor how this technique was used is explained. Also, it is difficult to assume the types and features of clamp resist dyeing due to a lack of materials. A small number of relics from the Goryeo dynasty still remain, though. Craft techniques have developed through international exchanges and have changed according to respective nations' circumstances including politics, economics, society, and culture. Hence, this research analyzed documents and relics from China and Japan, two countries neighboring the Republic of Korea, and studied the different types and features of clamp resist dyeing techniques. Clamp resist dyeing techniques were divided into monochromatic or multichromatic according to the number of colors that represented patterns, rather than according to the respective nations' features. They were also classified into mono, bilateral symmetry, or vertical-bilateral symmetry according to the structure of the patterns. Through the study of examples of inherited or reproduced dyeing techniques in China and Japan, it was confirmed that different engraving techniques, including relief, openwork, intaglio fit for the feature of a pattern and the number of colors, were applied in order to vividly represent patterns on fabric. Using small flower pattern clamp resist dyed fine tabby in Amitabha of 1302, the only relic showing its patterns and colors in Korea, as the experiment subject, this research successfully reproduced a clamp resist dyeing technique through a successful experiment based on the basic materials from the dyeing technique case study. Due to the significance of the experiment on a clamp resist dyeing technique that stopped its transmission and shows the features of the technique, this study is expected to be a basic resource that can be used for future reproductions of multichromatic clamp resist dyeing techniques. Also, it is expected to be helpful in widening and recreating the world of Korean pattern dyeing with modern dyeing techniques.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.42-57
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• 2017

The Joseon Dynasty (1392~1910) had a long tradition of making official seals to commemorate the granting of official royal titles, including posthumous honorary titles, to its kings, queens, crown princes and queen dowagers. These royal seals were typically gold-plated or made of jade. After the death of its holder, each seal would be stored in the royal seal depository in the Royal Ancestral Shrine. Extensive efforts were made to restore the traditions and culture of the royal family of Joseon during the reign of King Sukjong (r. 1674~1720). In 1705, discussions were held about the royal ceremonial objects, including the royal seals, stored in the Royal Ancestral Shrine, resulting in the reproduction of a set of accessories related with the storage of royal seals and ten golden royal seals which had been lost during wars or had yet to be made. With these reproductions, each shrine chamber of the Royal Ancestral Shrine would have had at least one seal. The details of the reproduction project were meticulously recorded in The Royal Protocol by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals("金寶改造都監儀軌"). Given that the restoration project was the single event that led to the reproduction of all the golden royal seals, it is reasonable to conclude that the directorate had fulfilled a historically significant function. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the establishment of the directorate and the storage and management of the damaged royal seals. The discussion includes the manufacturing process of the golden seals, for which The Royal Protocol is compared with other similar documents in order to gain more detailed knowledge of the measurements of the turtle knob, the lost-wax casting technique, the gold plating with mercury amalgamation technique, and other ornamentation techniques. The discussion also covers the activities of the artisans who made the royal seals, based on a study of the royal protocols; the styles of the artifacts, based on an examination of the remaining examples; and the techniques used by the Directorate for the Restoration of Golden Royal Seals to produce the royal seals in 1705.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.223-253
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine how the Korean classic novel "Shimcheong-jeon" has transformed in juvenile literature since the 2000s. Classical novels are far from modern and temporal, differ from modern cultures. Classic novels are also different from the lives and thoughts of modern children. It is therefore difficult for modern child readers to easily understand or agree with classical novels. In order for classical novels to have the meaning in the present, it is necessary to pay attention to the encounter between classical novels and children's literature. In the case of "Shimcheong-jeon", unlike other classical novels, there are many creative fairy tales. There are seven kinds of fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon". They are diverse in genres such as picture books, fairy tales, and juvenile fiction, and are intended for a variety of ages. These works are described in various perspectives such as, Shimcheong who is full of desire, Shim Hakgyu who is disabled, Ppaengdeog's mother who has maternity and subjectivity, The dragon of the dragon king and Byeogdeog who loves Shimcheong, and Shin Cheong who has a dream. The themes of the works vary. So, These works extend our expectations for classical literature. Fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon" reflect the lives of children and youths, this is important because it can reduce the distance between classical novels and children and youth readers. Classical novels are modernized and give new meaning to modern children and youths. And it reflects the characteristics of the novels of Pansori's "Shimcheong-jeon", preserving the value of classics. Tears of Paengdeok is a story that explains the origin of Pansori "Shimcheong-ga", and inserts some lyrics of Pansori, in the case of Cheong, Cheong, Pansori style is used. Although humor is the greatest feature of pansori, there are few of Fairy tales that transformed "Shimcheong-jeon". It is a direction to worry and to orient when transforming "Shimcheong-jeon" into a fairy tale.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.295-324
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• 2016

This essay attempts a contrapuntal reading of Thomas More's Utopia. Contrapunctual reading, proposed by Edward Said. attempts to make a text speak across temporal, cultural, and ideological boundaries to a topic of present. I examine two opposite readings of Utopia around 2011 by both pro- and anti-Occupy Wall Street positions. On the one hand, the opponents of Occupy find its limits as a utopian social movement echoing in the fictional character of Hythrodaeus and the alternative society verbally sketched by him in Book Two of Utopia. On the other, Occupy's advocates read More's text as embodying its radial possibility. However, each shares the tendency to denounce Book Two, praising Book One in which Hythrodaeus vehemently criticizes England; they read Hythrodaeus not as an utopian idealist but as a social critic. The Occupy, as a result, is seen here as having an ambivalent relationship to utopianism. I reinterpret the radical possibilities of Book Two criticized by both pro- and anti-Occupy invocations of Utopia. Book Two provides a utopian space in which the existing social contradictions are cancelled, revealing the limits of the three partial utopias proposed at the end of Book One. Following Louis Marin's argument, I argue, the "utopic" space does not lie in the so-called ideal society described in the text but in the inconsistencies between the text's description(discourse) and topography(map). In Book Two the existence of a king is described, yet his space is not found in the topography of utopia; likewise market is described as existing at the center of a city, yet its space is not found either. These inconsistencies create a neutral space in which the ideological contradictions of the text are cancelled, and the space opens up the possibility of communal society beyond modern sovereign power and capitalism I argue this utopian dream needs to be summoned once again in our time as a compelling alternative to the corporate, capitalist order.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.106-130
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• 2009

The aim of this paper is analysis of structure and development pattern about wooden coffin and chamber tombs in Gyeongju from the 2nd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. for researching to socio-political tendency and growth process of Sarokuk. Tombs buried with iron objects were built in Youngnam(嶺南) from the 2nd century B.C. with spread wooden coffin with stone mound(積石木棺墓). Also medium or small sized wooden coffin tombs buried with bronze mirror of western Han(前漢) and soft stoneware(瓦質土器) were appeared the 2nd century B.C. in Gyeongju, because of establishment of Han's commanderies(漢郡縣) in the Korean Peninsula and refuge from Daedong river(大同江) to Jinhan(辰韓). Separate tombs(獨立墓) with lots of bronze object ware assumed high ranked tombs of parsonage(司祭王) or local chief(地域首長). From the 2nd century A.D. the size of wooden coffin tombs became enlarged and funerary objects ware abundant, for example Sarari 130th tomb(舍羅里 130號). The burying pattern of this tomb is similar to wooden chamber tombs in Lelang(樂浪), which had prestige goods like lacquer ware and bronze mirror in wood box(木匣) beside coffin. Appearance of these wooden chamber tombs that were different from original wooden coffin tombs imply interaction between Lelang and these area with iron. Sarari community that held right of trade and distribution to outside through the geographical advantage grew up centered position in Gyeongju politically, socially, and culturally. Chamber in tomb as a new structural notion that can secure funerary objects became firmly was established from the 2nd century A.D. in Gyeongju and large sized wooden chamber tombs were generally built early of the 3rd century A.D. This tendency was reflected in stratification of community and growth as center of local state. After late of the 3rd century A.D. Gyeongju type wooden chamber tomb(慶州式木槨墓) which had subordinate outer coffin(副槨) was appeared and then subordinate outer coffin was as bigger as main chamber(主槨) the 4th century A.D., because of centralization and stratification in society and unification of various communities among the Gyeongju area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.