• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.239-264
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• 2002

The networking between the press and elites, and its impact on journalistic activities in fact have been major subjects of scholarly scrutiny particularly among students of elite theory and class theory. This is an empirical analysis of how the press establishes networks with several powers in local community. This study basically examines a set of independent variables, such as the nature of capital and history of local newspapers and explores how the management and elites in the press utilize several social resources and establish networks. Major findings of this study are as follows: To begin with, the networking between local newspapers and elites showes significant differences according to the nature of capital and history of the newspaper. In other words, while the newspapers operated by stock capital revealed high degree of networking with political and financial elites, the newspapers operated by family capital did not demonstrate significant level of networking with particular elites. The shorter the history of newspaper is, the more she tends to be dependent on resources, and feel it imperative to establish strong networks with elites.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Korean Architects
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• s.600
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• pp.28-31
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• 2019

• Korean Architects
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• s.623
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• pp.16-17
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• 2021

• 인삼약초
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• v.3 no.6 s.10
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• pp.24-29
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• 2005

연세대 양재진(행정학)교수는 "전통 명문이 쇠락하면서 부상한 신흥 명문이 20여 년 뒤 강한 파워 엘리트 집단을 형성할 가능성도 있지만 현재 특정 학교 출신의 엘리트 독점구조가 해체되고 있는 것만은 분명하다"고 했다.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.77-106
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• 2010

As for the matter of guardianship-benefit network which has been at the heart of the discussion of power elites and clan politics in Kazakhstan, it has been often maintained that it is basically formed by the framework of the regional and descent connection net called Zhuz or at least it has been heavily under Zhuz's influence. But it is pointed out that the controversy of Zhuz suffers from a lot of limitations in explaining the surface of power elites in the recent process of political changes and the rearrangement of power relations. Consequently, this paper tried to take a closer look at the matter focusing on the social backgrounds of elites from Junior zhuz, who have been estimated to be relatively pushed back in terms of the advancement into the central power. As a result, it was found that the backgrounds of clan and tribe origin within Zhuz couldn't have any foundation to be seen as a decisive element through which they could grow into power elites. The phenomenon of Kazakhstani elites is a legacy of concrete historic situations. The important consideration points for analyzing the emergence of elites which could be applied to a nomadic and traditional society can hardly be an invariable framework for analyzing modern elites since independence. Since 2000, Kazakhstan has experienced economic changes including privatization due to the absolute strengthening of presidential influence which turned into a foundation for a new authoritarian system, the rearrangement of the inner circle of power, and their decisions. These changes in situations have had profound effects on the character of power elites. The phenomenon that clandestine connections have shown their appearances as they have gotten intertwined with various factors, in particular, in the economic field which has been heavily under Junior zhuz makes us convinced that the elite organization in Kazakhstan has always been the product of political and economic changes. In reality, the behaviors of elites were the outcome continuously reflecting environmental situations surrounding them, and those situations lie in a complicated and multiple-layered connection net. Therefore, it is believed that having interests in elites' social backgrounds and maintaining many pieces of information on them will be able to be a more useful approach to analyzing the elite society in the future in that interests in their social backgrounds become an informant of various network formation nets which reflect real situations.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.169-196
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• 2024

In the House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan, which members are re-elected several times, while others are only first-term? Existing studies on the Kazakhstan political elites have mainly discussed the effect of clans on the appointment or replacement of elites. These studies have contributed to explaining the characteristics of Kazakhstan's clientelistic political structure, but the analysis of the relationship between political background and elite appointment or replacement is very poor. The purpose of this study is to analyze what characteristics of members have continuity in the 4th to 8th House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan. As a result, members with activities in Communist Party of the Soviet Union had a higher average seniority than those who did not in the 4th, 6th, and 7th House of the Parliament. And Nur Otan members had a higher average seniority than those who did not in 4th and 5th House of the Parliament. On the other hand, there was no difference in average seniority by local political experience, and the difference by elite type was only partially found in the 6th House of the Parliament. These results reflect the president's strategy for parliamentary control in that the parliament is used as a means of solidifying Kazakhstan's political regime as an authoritarian state. The significance of this study is that for the first time it empirically proved who sustains political survival in the House of the Parliament of Kazakhstan.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.61-84
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• 2023

In this paper, I tried to clarify the background of the strengthening of centralization in the central-local relations during the Xi Jinping period in terms of the institutional structure of elite politics through a comparative study of the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, the highest power body, during the time of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. Compared to the Hu Jintao period, it is judged that the strengthening of centralization in the Xi Jinping era is being implemented not through the neutralization of institutionalized formal construction norms, but through the expansion of control within the norms. In other words, the institutionalized frame itself was not broken in the composition of the provincial sector of the Politburo, and local compliance with the central government centered on the general secretary was increased by exercising the right to control personnel more strongly.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-25
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• 2010

This paper explains how the political elites limit peruvian politics after independence, through examining the historical origin of elites, the formation of the dominant elites and their politicization in Peru, 1824-1919. In detail, the first section of this paper examines theoretical concepts and the political economic conditions of elites. The next part explores the emergence of the dominant elite group and their politicization, which is focused on economic incentives and conditions in the Guano era. Finally, this paper suggests that peruvian elite group after independence is politically motivated by the direct control of economic resources and maximized privilege in distributions of economic benefits. Furthermore, these features provided the archetype of the Peruvian politics, such as the pre-modern oligarchy and the military intervention.

• 산림경영
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• s.45
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• pp.12-15
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• 1989