• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.39-75
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• 2003

This essay begins with the following questions; "What is a fundamental source of media power?" and "How can the media power dominate market?". This essay aims at answering the questions. I made my selection of countries such as Venezuela, Italy and UK for this article with a political economic approach. This analysis found evidence that an enormous conglomerate ownership, and alliance or convergence between media and political power are two fundamental source of the media power. With the integration of newspaper and television the media monopoly increased their supplies and political influences as I have shown. Despite the growing threat of media monopoly power to democracy and public interest, in recent years, governments worldwide have chosen to ease regulations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.113-156
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• 2016

Media scholars take a lion stake in power circle. Not only do they take a part in media policies but seize prestigious positions like board members in Korea Communication Commission(KCC). Unfortunately, though, little has been known about who they are, what qualifications they have, and whether they meet public interests. This paper attempts to unveil the mechanism of those politicized intellectuals who are specialized on the media. Two categories divided into 'representative' and 'expertise' are employed for this purpose. On the one hand, the representative means the degree of committment into such public services as participation in conferences or non-profit organizations. On the other hand, the number of research articles, books and projects belong to the expertise. Evaluation levels consist of 'excellence, good and average' were allocated to those scholars who are(were) in 'Power Hole,' where decision makings come into being. Some interesting observations were made though this study. First of all, such criteria as representative and expertise vaguely suggested by the laws were hardly fit into those intellectuals, Rarely did they commit into public service let alone showing vigilance in academic activities. Secondly, both ideological loyalty and political activities in line with the government had much to do with taking such positions. Thirdly, not surprisingly, it showed that to graduate from Seoul National University and have Ph.D. degree from U.S.A. was one of the most essential factors. In final, most of them were very good at taking advantage of the press in way of boosting their publicity. To attend at policy making processes either in form of board members or advisers is inevitable for media experts. However, as shown in this study, such qualification of public service and academic eagerness shouldn't be underestimated. Academic integrity not selling intelligence solely for private interests needs to be protected as well. The authors hope this study to provide a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in participating into politics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.119-139
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• 2013

Star is riddled with myth while they form the star power and support advertisers for profit realization. Their influence on society and audiences grows day by day. In particular, advertisers depend on star power when they sell their products. This article analyzed the nature of the star power dominating media resources and offering the distorted picture of consumer culture. I take a political economic view of consumer capitalism and star. The article shows how stars contribute to the accumulation of capital and defense of class relations in the consumer culture.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.69
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• pp.30-70
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• 2015

This paper is to show the relationship between power and communication. For this purpose, speech act theory has been introduced. Power is the capacity of some persons to produce intended effects on others. And the human being tries to get intended effects by perlocutionary acts through performing illocutionary acts, both of which belong to speech acts. Generally speaking, therefore, it can be said power is exercised through speech acts. Of course, in case of exercising physical force or violence, no speech act is needed. However, even violence is not totally unrelated with communication. Moreover, power other than violence is always in need of speech acts for its exercise. Including psychic force, power in general is in a close relationship with communication by mediation of speech acts. This paper, using speech act theory, attempts to examine that what is the relationship power and communication hold, that the exercise of power is the same as performing speech acts called perlocutionary acts, that the form of power is differentiated by kinds of illocutionary acts used for its exercise, and that morality of power is different according to illocutionary acts used for its exercise.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.71-91
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• 2012

Gun-Ho Song had been selected as 'the most respected person' in a survey targeting journalists. While being a journalist, Gun-Ho Song had directly experienced that the press submitted to government suppression and became commercialized receiving government benefits. In 1975, when Dong-A Ilbo(Daily News) submitted to the government suppression and conducted a mass of discharge of journalists, he felt responsibility and left the newspaper company. After that, he criticized more sharply the media subordinated to the power and capital. The core of Gun Ho Song's thought of the press is that the media should be independent from the power and capital contributing to nationalism and democracy. Also, he insisted that journalists should equip with historical consciousness and social scientific knowledge beyond roles like skilled workers. His idea of the press is still valid in the current media situation showing that journalists become skilled workers and independence of the press is risky. Looking into his activity and idea of the press can help seek for the right attitude of journalists and right roles of the media in the change of media environment.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.7-36
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• 2002

This study is concerned with analysing complexity, flexibility and dynamism of social discoursive space. The developmental process of social discourse is analogous to that of a spatial structure of social discourse. Post-capitalist society has seen New-Liberalism and New-Conservatism have become dominant, resulting in the deterioration of the cultural politics of citizenship. It is argued that the position of otherness, in which those binary structures (inside/outside or centre/margin) collide and collapse, is where subversive discourse can emerge to dominant discursive power. Furthermore, it is necessary to democratize social discursive space, through which the Other becomes able to. participate in the social production, distribution and consumption of social discourse.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.5-27
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• 2014

The past, present, and future of online journalism in Korea are inextricably bound up with the portal site news services. In traditional journalism, finite news media took hold on news consumption completely because of performing news production and distribution simultaneously. Since then, in the age of multi-media and multi-channel, the audience selection has become more important because of greatly increasing news media and then exploding news production. In online journalism, the news distribution have emerged as the most important field because of the intensive consuming the portal site news services making use of various news easier, the characteristic of news consumption focusing on not news media brands but news media contents, etc. Therefore, the news present landscape of Korean journalism oriented news distribution has been completed by that the portal site news services became the symbol of online journalism. That the portal site news services performing only news distribution have more influence than the paper based online newspapers and Internet based online newspapers producing news means the change of media power. By this, a conflict between news media and portal site news services appears at all times.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.24
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• pp.69-91
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• 2004

우리는 언론을 제대화된 언론사나 미디어로 한정시켜 이해하는 경향이 있는데, 이것은 일종의 물신화된 사고방식이라고 할 수 있다. 언론이란 사회에 영향을 미칠 사안에 관해 논의하고 상호작용하는 과정과 산물 및 그 산물의 사회적 유통이라고 정의하는 것이 정당할 것이다. 언론사나 미디어는 언론의 일부이다. 물신화된 언론관이 지배적으로 유포된 데는 언론의 전문직화와 미디어의 네트워크 권력화가 하나의 배경 요인으로 작용했다. 언론 물신화를 극복하기 위해서는 시민들 자신이 언론의 주체라는 것을 깨닫고 언론참여를 활성화할 필요가 있다. 여기서는 시민참여를 물질적으로 보장하는 방안의 하나로서 온라인 저널리즘의 가능성과 한계를 논의했다. 그러나, 미디어 테크놀로지는 언론을 활성화할 수 있는 필요조건일 뿐이고, 언론의 본령은 사회적인 이슈에 관해 논의하고 상호작용하는 과정 자체에 있다.