• Title/Summary/Keyword: 양식도구

Search Result 142, Processing Time 0.024 seconds

A Cross-Sectional Study on Fatigue and Self-Reported Physical Symptoms of Vinylhouse Farmers (비닐하우스 농작업자의 피로도와 주관적 신체증상에 관한 연구)

  • Lim, Gyung-Soon;Kim, Chung-Nam
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
    • /
    • v.28 no.2
    • /
    • pp.15-29
    • /
    • 2003
  • Objectives: This study was done to find out fatigue and self-reported physical symptoms of Vinylhouse farmers. The results of this study could be used as a basic data to develop health promotion program for Vinylhouse farmers who are suffering from fatigue and physical symptoms. Methods: The 166 respondents, who were working in Vinylhouse and were living in a remoted area where the primary health post located, were participated in this study. Thirty: 30 items of self-reported fatigue scale was used to evaluate the farmers fatigue level which made by Japanese industrial and hygenic association(1988). Twenty four: 24 items of index used by researcher for self-reported physical symptoms was from Lee In Bae's(1999) modified Index which was originated from Cornell Medical Index(1949). Another questionnaires used in this study were developed by researcher through related documents. Results: The results of this study were as follows; Fatigue scores were high in accordance with women(t=-2.212, p<0.05), worse recognized health state(F=20.610, p<.001), lack of sleeping hours(F=3.937, p<0.05), eat irregularly(t=-3.883, p<0.001), don't take a bath after application of chemical(t=-2.950, p<0.01), working time per a day(F=5.633, p<0.01) & working time per a day in Vinylhouse(F=5.247, p<0.01) were long. Subjective physical symptoms were high in accordance with women(t=-3.176, p<0.01), worse recognized health state(F=35.335, p<0.001), and low education(F=3.467, p<0.05). eat irregularly(t=-3.384, p<0.01), alcohol drinking(t=-2.389, p<0.05). When farmers don't take a bath after application of chemical show high(t=-3.188, p<0.01). As a result, the factors affecting to Vinylhouse worker's health were irregular diet habit, scarce exercise, lack of proper rest, symptoms oriented from Vinylhouse work in contaminated environment with high temperature and humidity. Conclusions: Based on this study, health promotion program is necessary for Vinylhouse workers. Also, the development of continuously practical strategy of healthy life style including exercise and comprehensive health promotion program considered the country's social and cultural background are needed.

  • PDF

The Creating Situations and Social Characteristics of Gutchum-pan to Pray - Focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut - ('축원-굿춤' 판의 생성 국면과 사회적 성격 - 동해안별신굿의 경우 -)

  • Jeon, Seong-Hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.38
    • /
    • pp.349-383
    • /
    • 2019
  • This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.