• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.263-285
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• 2011

Despite the process of neoliberalization has made a decisive influence on our society as a whole, there seems little interests in neoliberal urbanization and entrepreneurial urban projects promoting it. This study is to see relationships between neolibealization process and recent urbanization and urban policies in terms of entrepreneurial city mediating them. In particular, this paper tries to reconceptualize entrepreneurial city as corresponding to privatization and commodification, financialization, state redistribution, and management and manipulation of crises which Harvey(2005) suggests as four main features of neoliberalization process in general and 'accumulation by dispossession' in particular, and to characterize it in terms of 'creative destruction' and of 'entrepreneurial governance'. As examined in the later part of this paper, recent cases of these entrepreneurial urban projects in S. Korea include volatility of land and housing price in the Capital region and urban regeneration and newtown projects, project for free economic zones construction in Incheon and other 5 regions, project for SOC construction heavily relying on private investment, in particular project financing pursued nationwidely including Daegu, and project of urban cultural marketing to promote capital inflow tacitly as well as to enhance urban imagine explicitly.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.82-103
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• 2007

Neoliberalism can be seen as a path-dependent, hybrid and contradictory project that operates actually (not just ideologically) through intervention of the state that has been not weakened in its strength but different in its strategies, especially through neoliberal policies of remaking urban space. This paper seeks to characterize the development of neoliberalism and urban policies in S. Korea, by examining the trajectory of neoliberalism generated in its contextually specific way since the late 1980s, by illuminating the intersection between new neoliberal programs and the existing developmentalism of the state and changes in spatial policy with its effects, which can be divided into two phases: the first from the late 1980s to the economic crisis in 1997, and the second from the crisis to the present. This paper finally identifies several paths in which the state and the market would be interrelated, and argues that the vision of national development and spatial policy should be welfare(i.e. human)-oriented, not industry(i.e. capital)-oriented.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.26-48
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• 2010

The current government tries to pursue a series of energy plans and strategies which have been recently established under the banner of 'green growth'. Although there have been several critical comments on the energy policy, the structural background under which the energy policy has been established and implemented has not yet been scrutinized. This paper understands the current government's strategy for 'green growth' and energy policy as a process of neoliberalization. In particular, the energy policy is characterized as industrialization, marketization, technologization, and financialization of energy, which bring about a lot of detailed issues. This kind of 'green growth' strategy is far from the model of sustainable development, and rather seems to be well interpreted in terms of what Harvey calls 'accumulation by dispossession'. As the government's strategy for 'green growth' and energy policy denies the roll of citizens and civil society which would mediate and arbitrate the contradiction between environment preservation and economic growth, and conflicts between market mechanism and state intervention, so alternatives to the 'green growth' strategy should be orientated to a citizen-participating and civil society-led energy policy.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.427-449
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• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.97-122
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• 2011

After global economic crisis, most countries increased the welfare expenditure as a part of stimulus package. As a However welfare expenditure was decreased radically as the crisis was transmitted into the financial crisis. Which turning point is the welfare state going through now? Although the need for the welfare and the role of the state to take responsibility of public welfare has increased because of poverty and polarization, responses of the state against the crisis had focused on the aid to the financial industry and cutting taxes and showed limitations in coordination. Financial limitation of welfare expenditure, political individualism, the change of class politics and the mixture of the welfare institutions and financial institutions make have a pessimistic prospect of the retrenchment to the minimalist welfare state. As neoliberal state is continued cash benefits mainly for the middle class is being decreased. As a result, the direction the welfare states pursue is prospected to win over the poor by strengthening selectivity in welfare provision rather than class coordination.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.59
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• pp.33-72
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• 2021

I intended to discuss the new phase of the publicness of museums in a digital environment with the Goole Arts & Culture Project. To this end, I critically examined the instrumental approaches and technological optimism in the application of digital technology to museums, and scrutinized the recent museological issues, particularly the revision or curtailment of the museum's publicness amid the spread of neoliberal policy, which have been omitted within those technological approaches. This is because the meaning of Google Art & Culture can be considered more effectively through an extended theoretical reconstruction. Based on these theoretical discussions, I critically reviewed how the "non-profit," an important concept that defines the publicness of museums, was adopted and utilized as an business strategy by Google. As a result, I wanted to reveal that the neoliberalization of museums, the failure of the government's public function, the crisis of museum's publicness, and Google's "non-profit" strategy have been closely related. Armed with advanced digital technology, the GAC project appropriated the publicness of museums as a useful profit-making model. As such, now the concept of publicness of museums is at a point of more controversial and radical transformation than ever before.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.53-94
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• 2021

This article pays attention to the gender representation of an abominable male abject that reveal class polarization in the movie Parasite. I seeks to read a new aspect of emotional politics in which a precariat man becomes a male patriarch while representing himself with an abhorrent position. Parasite shows a reversal of daughter and son responsible for parents, contrary to the existing family narrative. They teaches the parents' generation how to survive neoliberal that their place is created only when they take away others' place. However, after losing this prospect, Ki-woo confesses to his father that he is sorry first. Ki-taek also attempted to identify Dong-ik with the patriarch, but this male solidarity collapsed by class and committed murder in sudden anger. As a result, Gi-taek goes down to the hateful status of a stinking underground life, and Ki-woo receives a message of ethical reflection from his isolated father. The film gives the father and son the noble status of ethical fighter who fought against the structure of class polarization, especially the ending epilogue and narration emphasizing the ethical responsibility and mutual solidarity between father and son. In this process, the voices of female characters are gradually omitted, blurring gender screening for male characters. Parasite reveals the political reenactment strategy of precariat men in the age of neoliberalism, which is ethical subject by claiming to be a class abject himself. And representing the hate with gender-selecting, it is beautifying the responsible ethics of the patriarch.