• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.55-84
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• 2012

This paper is to study the Tang Dynasty monk poet Ling-yi's poem world and his significance on history of literature. In Chinese literature history, "the monk poets" is a very unique literature creation group. The means of a word "the monk poet", from the literal can see " he is the monk that Can write poems", which is dedicated to professionally writing poetry monk. Buddhism spread to China, from the Wei and Jin Dynasty beginning has been writing poetry of the monks, but the real meaning of "the monk poet" (i.e., professionally poetry monk) appeared to the Mid-Tang Dynasty period. The monk Ling-yi is the pioneer of the monk poets group and Buddist monk creative poem in Mid-tang Dynasty period. Although the Lingyi life is very short, only 35 had died, and his poetry has not been too much, only 44 songs, but he in this life of 35 years and 44 poems, for the development of classical Chinese poetry left noticeable imprinting. He is not just as monk's high practice and by advocating for great Buddhist scholar, also through the daily meditation in poetry creation practice were obtained at that time of many men of literature and writing respected. This paper from the poem monk Ling-yi double identity - the first is a Buddhist monk, the second is addicted to poetry poet to proceed, step by step, in-depth study as the poem monk Ling-yi's poetry creation characteristic and the creative mentality characteristics. This thesis also explores the poem monk by the creation of poetry pursuit, exploration, finally realized "poem" and "Zen" together as one "Zen poetry" creation mechanism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.23
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• pp.213-239
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• 2005

Si is a genre which has been steadily loved by Korean, Particularly, 1920's through 1930's, the Revival Movement of Sijo is made by the school of Literary for People, including Choi Namseon, Lee Byeonggi and Lee Eunsang. And Kwon Goohyeon, a member of KAPF, and Han Yongwoon, not belonging to any literary group were interested in Sijo. Kwon Goohyeon, both a member of KAPF and an anarchist has published A Present of Black Room(1927), which is one of the two published in 1920's-1920's saw only two volumes of Sijo works be published: Choi Namseon's 108 Agony(1926) and Kwon's. However, Kwon Goohyeon's work has not been illuminated. compared with Choi Namseon's and the Revival Movement Sijo by the school of Literary for People. It is because Korean literary world has been under the anti-communism ideology since the Liberation of Korea. However, it caused to explore proletarianism Sijo (Joh woon) and proletarianism poetry (Park Yeonghee) that Kwon is a memeber of KAPF and an anarchist. Han Yongwoon, not belonging to any literary group, was very famous as the poet of My Belolved One's Silence(1926), not as a Sijo poet. It means that he s not been illuminated as a Sijo poet. However, his Sijo is enough to contain his various features such as a man of Independence Movement, a Buddhist monk, a lyrical poet and so on. His first Sijo is For Planting Mookoonghwa-Poetry Written in Prison(1922), which has been published four years prior to My Beloved One's. And his affection on Sijo is inferred from the fact that he has constantly published Sijo more than free verse. The aim this thesis is to find out a position of Sijo 1920's through 1930's from a study on Kwon Goohyeon's and Han Yongwoon's Sijo. Sijo, Korean traditional literary genre, was written by most of the poets including not only the school of Literary for People but Kwon Goohyeon and Han Yongwoon 1920's through 1930's. As a result, the writing of Sijo was not a partial movement by the anti-KAPF group, but by a paradigm in 1920's through 1930's.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.43
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• pp.177-206
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• 2015

This paper is written in order to research for the contents and expression of HanYongUn's Sijo. HanYongUn is very famous as monk and independent campaigner, modern poet in Korea. He wrote many kinds of literary works, for example, many modern poetry, modern novels, Sijo, Chino-Korean Poetry etc. It's very exceptional that he wrote a lot of Korean traditional Sijo and Chino-Korean Poetry. Because he was a many modern poet as same as modern novelist. So studying on his Sijo can help someone to understand the essence of HanYongUn's all literature. That's why I'm studying on HanYongUn's Sijo. The firstly, in aspect of the the contents of HanYongUn's Sijo, HanYongUn was expressing three kinds of themes, that is ideology, reality, daily life in his Sijo. The ideology consists of Buddhism and Confucianism and the reality is related with social conditions, the daily life is deeply connected with Nim. These features of his Sijo are different from his modern poetry and Chino-Korean Poetry which had a simple theme, for example, love with Nim, daily life. The secondly, in aspect of the expression of HanYongUn's Sijo, I studied the expression of HanYongUn's Sijo in three angles, that is, vocabulary and the developing of poet thinking, rhetorics. HanYongUn used essential words for expressing three kinds of themes effectively in his Sijo. And he was developing of his poet thinking by three steps in his Sijo. He applied several representative rhetorics to his Sijo, those are question and answer, exclamation, irony, distich etc. Even though I studied the characteristics of HanYongUn's Sijo in two aspects But there could be the other things to study about these kinds of theme. I might continue researching the other kinds of theme next time in the near future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.64-78
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• 2023

This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.46-61
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• 2023

Various Buddhist metal artifacts were excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site from 2014 to 2020, such as gilt-bronze openwork decorations, a bronze kundika, a lion incense burner with a handle and lion weight, and so on. The gilt-bronze openwork decoration founded from the main hall of the western area is believed to have been used for the decoration of the Buddhist temple, and it is considered to be the best example of the gilt-bronze openwork decorations of the unified Silla that have been discovered so far. The incense burner with a handle and lion weight excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site is the earliest example of the style. The bronze kundikas excavated at the Heungjeon-ri Temple site have a more developed style than those of Ingaksa Temple. The bronze bowl and bronze bowl with a lid are similar to those excavated from the Anapji, Hwangryongsa Temple site, and Inwangdong Temple site. So these bronze vessels seem to have spread from the capital city to the provinces. Bronze seals excavated from the Heungjeon-ri Temple site are similar to those of the Hwangnyongsa Temple site in form and font. So, it was considered that they were produced and sent by the royal palace. In addition, "梵雄官衙之印" on the seal can be said to show that Heungjeonri Temple site was related to the organization of the monks at the time. The Buddhist metal artifacts excavated from Heungjeon-ri Temple site are believed to have been used from the early to mid-9th century at the temple by the Seon Order monk who was the main character of the monument. It can be said to be an important example of how the royal palace of Unified Silla and local crafts had a two-way influence, not a one-way influence, from the first half to the middle of the 9th century.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.36
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• pp.189-215
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• 2014

Since the launching of in 1963, a large amount of outstanding cartoons had been produced in China by the year 1980. During this period of time, international reputation was achieved with the extremely full expression and characteristic stories originated from Chinese culture. Decades of cartoons were produced ever year benefiting from support of the government in the last years. However, the quality and in fluence power dropped down comparing with the increasing productivity. The outward followed by examples of successful international box office most of the animation made in China. These cartoons did not obtain admitting internationally, or disclose any traditional speciality of China, although the domestic box office is considered to be fairly successful. The key factors to the successful cases should be analysed and researched rather than simply estimating, in order to achieve both artistic and commercial success. Factor of humor, as a key element of a successful cartoon is proposed in this thesis. Prior to the discussion, a general definition of humor factor is described through Henri Bergson's comedy concept, based on which the key factors of humor will be analysed. A classification system would be derived and introduced as a tool for the analysis of humor factors. According to Henri Bergson, Humor is determined by circumstance, language and character factors. Humor factors are divided into visual, scene and acoustic factors in this research taking the Speciality of cartoon media into consideration. It is the speciality that, in addition to the visual and language factors, multiple acoustic elements are also introduced in such a presentation pattern. This classification system would be considerably applicable to the analysis of humor factors in Chinese cartoons. In this study, around the year 2000 to share the Chinese animation masterpiece were analyzed by selecting and , and . This discussion about key factors of humor is likely to be beneficial to the development of Chinese Cartoons in the future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.