• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.57-80
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine the current status of university library operation through the five laws of library science and suggest ways to improve it. To this end, the operation status of four national and public university libraries was analyzed with the scope of the study as the Busan area. Furthermore, for an in-depth investigation, the P University library in Busan was examined as a case. The operation status of national and public university libraries in the Busan region was analyzed by dividing them into the categories of university library collection materials, facilities, staff, material purchase costs, and users from 2018 to 2022. In particular, there was a decrease in users and a shortage of librarians due to COVID-19. In the case study, the operation status of P University library was investigated focusing on the first and fifth laws of Ranganathan's five laws of library science. In the first law, the study was conducted on the aspects of access to and use of the collection, library location, usage time and book lending, and staff. In the fifth law, the investigation was divided into service improvement aspects according to changes in digital technology of P University library and library environment improvement aspects according to changes in user characteristics. As a result of the study, 'establishment of library space composition strategy', 'establishment of blue ocean strategy', and 'expansion of recruitment and deployment of librarians' were suggested as improvement plans.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.13-20
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• 2005

The effects of pectin on obesity was studied using 3T3-L1 pre-adipocytes and rats fed 20% high fat diets. The concentration of leptin released from 3T3-L1 adipocytes in the presence of pectin was significantly decreased by 85% compared to that of the control (p<0.05), however, glycerol concentration was not changed. These data indicate that pectin seems to inhibit lipids accumulation in the adipocytes rather than enhance the lipolytic activity. Forty Sprague Dawley rats were fed 20% high fat diet for 8 weeks to induce obesity and then divided equally into four groups. Experimental groups were normal diet group (ND), high fat diet group (HFD), HDF with 10% pectin group (HFP10), and HDF with 20% pectin group (HFP20). Diet for the each group was prepared to be iso-caloric following AIN-76 guideline. After obesity was induced, rats were placed on an restricted diet for 9 weeks. The body weight of HFD increased 50% (p<0.05) compared to the ND, while it was decreased by 12% and 16% for HFP10 and HFP20, respectively (p<0.05). The relative amount of visceral fats for HFDl0 and HFD20 were decreased by 45% and 59% compared to that of HDF (130%), respectively (p<0.05). Pectin seems to have a greater effect on reducing visceral fats accumulation than weight reduction. Significantly increased level of triglyceride, total cholesterol or LDL-cholesterol in the plasma of HFD was returned to the normal or even below the normal by pectin diet, while the level of HDL-cholesterol increased. Lipid lowering effect was also observed in the liver and heart. These effects of pectin were dosedependent. In conclusion, the beneficial effect of pectin on the obesity was observed from cell culture experiment and animal study in terms of inhibiting the accumulation of lipids in the adipocytes.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.

• Archives of design research
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• v.18 no.3 s.61
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• pp.117-128
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• 2005

The French Belle Epoque is a period where the literary and artistic movement was very activated. The birth of the cubism reflects this atmosphere of the times and the change of paradigm in all fields. The Bergsonism is often designated as one of the important backgrounds of cubism. The problem consists in knowing if Bergsonian ideas gave real influence on the cubist movement and up to what point. Our analysis will show that it is not homogenous and very variable according to painters. In the case of Picasso and Braques it seems be a simple inspiration of Zeitgeist. But the influence upon Metzinger and Gleizes is explicit. The text of 1912, Du cubism, prove their attachment to his thought. The key concept of cubist theory, influenced by Bergsonian philosophy, is the concept of simultaneity. Cubist simultaneity is in one hand a reflection of an artist's psychological experience and the other hand a synthesis of multiple views for grasping the object in itself by the way of conceptual representation. The temporal simultaneity could be identified with the notion of memory, which is a temporal continuity connecting the past to dynamic present. The spatial simultaneity is a juxtaposition of multiple views obtained by the movement around the object. But the dose reading of Bergson's text shows that there is a divergence between the notion of cubist simultaneity and his ideas. The biased interpretation is often, as well as the strict understanding, like the history shows us well, a great source of inspiration and creativity. The cubist mouvement is not far from this case.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.100-121
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• 2023

This paper examines the interior settings of a chamber and of a temporary place of enshrinement at Yeonghuijeon (永禧殿, Hall of Eternal Happiness), the representative official portrait hall in which portraits of early and late Joseon kings were enshrined. Also, it discusses the features of the Five Peak screens used therein. The physical environment of a chamber at Yeonghuijeon mainly consisted of a four-panel folding screen with a painting of Five Peaks and a large wooden platform, which was adorned with dragon and lion patterns and attached to lotus-leaf column balustrades. The Five Peak screen was installed on a large platform in the shape of ⊓, spreading across the second and third panels on the back and folding out on the first and fourth panels on the right and left sides. When a portrait was enshrined in a temporary place, a simpler and smaller platform with railings was used. A four-panel folding screen of the Five Peak painting was installed in the same way as in a chamber, but was unfolded around a smaller platform behind it. A royal portrait was displayed in each chamber, whereas a case in which a portrait was rolled up was put on the smaller platform in a temporary place. The Five Peak screens for a chamber and a temporary place were all large four-panel folding screens with two wide panels in the middle and two narrow panels on each side, and only strips of silk were mounted on the four edges of the screens without additional wide lower-side mountings. While screens for the chamber used patterned silk for mounting and white paper for backing on screen frames, screens for the temporary place used plain silk and recycled failed test papers for mounting and backing, respectively. By examining records in the literature on the Five Peak screens for Yeonghuijeon, this paper highlights two Five Peak screens, both of which lost their provenance from the hall. The structures of the two screens reflected the way they were to be installed at the hall. Furthermore, this paper assumes that a Five Peak screen, which had been unfolded on the throne in the main hall of Changdeokgung Palace after the 1960s, was produced in 1858 for the purpose of temporarily enshrining King Sunjo's portrait due to the fact that failed test papers of the 1840s were laid taut over the frame.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.41-66
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• 2017

The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.44 no.9
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• pp.1374-1387
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper was to investigate the operational status of youth facilities as well as the degree of students' satisfaction with menus served at youth facilities. The survey was conducted from July 9 to July 31, 2013 using questionnaires. The responses of 55 youth facilities and 249 students who had experienced foodservice at youth facilities were analyzed, utilizing the SPSS V20.0 program. The results on management status of youth facilities were as follows: 41.8% of youth facilities were operated for over 10 years, and 45.5% of facilities served meals for 100 to 200 students per day on average. Meal costs were 4,450 won on average, and food costs accounted for 46.8% of average meal costs. Exactly 78.2% of facilities preserved storage type meals at a temperature under -18 degrees Celsius for more than 144 hours, as the 'Food Sanitation Act' stated. Exactly 12.7% of facilities did not hire professional dietitians and had unsupervised foodservice management. Among 19 kitchen equipments surveyed in this research, Combi steamer was the least frequent at youth facilities. According to the results, most students (38.7%) ate leftovers since the food was not tasty. Overall foodservice satisfaction was on average 3.45 points, and the four factors 'dining room sanitation' (P<0.05), 'food taste' (P<0.01), 'serving various desserts' (P<0.01) and 'temperature of dining room' (P<0.05), significantly affected overall satisfaction. As food taste was critical for customer satisfaction, it is important for each dietitian to consider customers' preferences and develop recipes and menus. Further, detailed regulation and precise guidelines for youth facility foodservice are required to enhance students' foodservice satisfaction and serve nutritionally balanced menus in a hygienic manner.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.21-30
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• 2015

Bulguksa Temple, a typical temple of Silla was lost during Japanese Invasion of Korea and there are records of reconstructing in its record, Bulguksa Sajeok. There is no record after that. And reconstructing was stopped due to lack of money and repair works were conducted for two times in Japanese colonial era. First repair work was from 1989 to 1919 and second repair work was conducted from 1922 to 1925. After Liberation, Bulguksa Temple Restoration Committee was established in 1969 and the construction has started since 1970 after excavation investigation to complete in 1973. The shape of south arcade without walls in the main temple of Bulguksa was found in a blue print of Bulguksa in Japanese colonial era in National Archives of Korea now and a picture of Bulguksa in 1902 taken by Sekino Tadashi. It verified the correlation between Gupumyeonji which was discovered in restoration work in 1970s and a legend of Muyoungtap. And a stair from the hall of Paradise to the main temple was introduced as a stair including Pure Land Buddhism doctrine in many literature materials, but a blue print of Bulguksa in Japanese colonial era and reports of excavation investigation in 1970s verified that it was a temporary stair built by Japan and its meaning was given later. This research checked the scenery of Bulguksa Temple before Japanese colonial era and it is intended for basic data to conduct restoration or reconstruction project in the future.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.70
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• pp.163-178
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• 2007

Among many functions of the museum, the educational function is being emphasized. Museums should actively expand their scope of action through special exhibits or various educational activities. It is through exhibits that museums prove their reason for existence and raise calls for support. Through such activities, university museums should demonstrate the role and reason of existence of a museum inside a university to the members of the university. They should carry out various activities to raise the presence of the museum in the university. That may be the way for university museums, which face many difficulties in reality, to find their breakthrough. Especially in a situation of a low-budget, holding overseas exhibition may be a good opportunity to display the excellence of the Korean culture and, at the same time, publicize the school and the museum. Also, through such overseas exhibition, benchmarking of facilities and activities of advanced museums can be made and networks can be set up with museums around the world. This paper introduces the planning and progressing procedures of exhibitions abroad through the experiences of the Korea University Museum. I sincerely hope that it will contribute to the hereafter development of university museums. Aside from such overseas exhibition, the Korea Foundation has been supporting prestigious foreign museums to establish a Korean exhibition room in order to form a perpetual space to systematically introduce Korean culture and art to foreign audience. Thus far, the National Museum of Korea has stood in the forefront in lending relics to Korean exhibition rooms abroad. I believe it would be a worthwhile activity for the Korea Association of University Museums, which has approximately 100 institutions as its members, to actively participate in the establishment of Korean exhibitions rooms of foreign museums for the development of university museums. Participating in the establishment of Korean exhibition rooms is attractive as it will lead to a constant exchange with foreign museums instead of a one-time exchange. Localization and globalization, which became a big issue about ten years ago, is reality from which university museums cannot be free. In such reality, it is time for university museums to look back on whether they are ready to make their way forward in this era called the century of culture.