• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-195
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• 1999

이 글은 '강력한 남성 부양자'국가로서 90년대 일본사회가 제시한 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책을 살펴보고 평가하는데 그 목적이 있다. 논의의 초점은 크게 3가지로 구분되는데 어머니로서는 보육정책을, 노동자로서는 노동정책을, 부인으로서는 사회보장 정책에 대한 논의가 그것이다. 보육정책의 경우 급격한 소자녀와 추세에 따라서 94년에 도입된 "엔젤 플랜"의 성격을 소개하였다. 노동정책은 99년 4월 실시된 개정 '노기법', 균등법', 휴업법' 내용을 다루었다. 정책내용에 담겨 있는 성이 여성의 규정방식을 평가하였다. 90년대 이후 지속되는 일본경제의 장기 불황 그리고 전세계적으로 도입되고 있는 신자유주의적 사조는, 90년대 이루어진 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책 개정의 효과를 반감시키는 요인으로 작용할 수 있다. 즉, 최근 개정된 일련의 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책의 기조는 '강력한 남성부양자' 국가인 일본사회의 남성 중심성을 수정 보완하기에는 역부족으로 보인다.

• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.98-105
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• 1993

최근 경제수준 향상과 소자녀 가치관의 확립, 그리고 전국민 의료보험 실시 등으로 인하여 모자보건 대상자의 대부분은 민간 의료시설의 전문인력으로부터 서비스를 제공받게 되었고, 모자보건 수준도 급격히 향상, 1992년 시설분만율의 경우, 99%에 도달하였다. 이렇듯 의료시설 이용의 증가와 의료기술의 발전에도 불구하고, 영아사망율 및 모성사망율이 최근 몇년동안 같은 수준에 머무르고 있음은, 보다 질적인 관리측면으로 사업의 방향이 전환되어야 함을 의미하는데 이는 곧 공공성을 띠고 있는 모자보건사업을 국가가 관리하여야 할 필요성을 더욱 크게 한다. 공공부문에서는 취약대상을 위하여 민간 전문인력과의 유기적인 연계체계를 마련하여 계속적인 관리를 제공할 수 있도록 하고, 보건교육 강화를 위한 관련 홍보물(모자보건수첩 활용, 모유수유 권장, 제왕절개수술 지양 등)을 제작하며 신경아세포종 검사 등과 같은 새로운 예방사업 개발에 중점을 두어야 할 것이다. 또한 영유아관리는 저체중아 및 장애아에 대한 추구관리서비스까지 확대되어야 할 것이다. 현 우리나라 주산기구급이송체계는 응급의료체계내에서 이루어지고 있다고 볼 수 있는데 주산기관리를 위한 의료여건이 성숙되어 있지 못하고 있는데다(이 시기의 집중관리를 통하여 사망 및 장애아 예방이 가능) 관련 제도마저 취약하여 민간의료부문에서는 영아사망 및 모성사망을 낮추기 위해서는 이 부문에 대한 노력이 집중되어야 할 것이다. 첫째, 주산기학, 신생아학 전문인력의 훈련제도 확립파 주산기 관리시설의 지역적 적정분배(분만 2,000건에 1개 시설마련), 둘째, 집중적인 인력과 고가장비가 투입되는 주산기 의료활동 강화를 위한 관련 의료제도의 수정 및 보완, 세째, 질적관리가 매우 중시되는 고위험 신생아의 집중관리를 위한 '표준 의료관리지침서' 마련, 네째, 동 시설 및 관리에 준하여 주산기 의료시설에 대한 감독 및 감시기능 강화를 위한 제도적 장치가 마련되어야 할 것이다.

• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.300-305
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• 2005

As the current level of birth rate of Korea has dramatically declined, it is obvious that pediatric dentistry will also be affected by this change. This study was performed for the purpose of understanding on the current fertility levels of Korea. The formal data on the number of live births(NLB), crude birth rate(CBR), and total fertility rate(TFR) published annually from the National Statistical Office of Korea from 1992 to 2000 were used as materials for this study. The TFR values from 1990 to 2002 of Korea were compared with those of some western countries with similar history of decreased birth and the CBR values of the metropolitan cities and the capital city Seoul in 2003 were compared domestically, yielding to results as follows. 1. Recent birth rate of Korea was decreased continuously. NLB was about 490,000 CBR was 10.2 and TFR was 1.19. 2. TFR of Korea in 2002 was 1.17, the lowest in the world. 3. There was a large difference in the NLB and CBR between local prefectures and towns of Seoul domestically. Additional population studies and medico-economical studies to exactly predict the demands of pediatric dentistry and proper supplies of manpower in the future was thought urgently required.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.139-164
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• 2009

The first demographic transition refers to the historical decline in mortality and fertility, as shown from the 18th Century in several European populations, and continuing present in most developing countries. The end point of the first demographic transition(FDT) was supposed to be a stationary and stable population corresponding with replacement fertility and zero population growth. In addition, households in all parts of the world would converge toward the nuclear and conjugal types, composed of married couples and their offspring. The second demographic transition(SDT), on the other hand, sees no such equilibrium as the end-point. Rather, new developments bring sub-replacement fertility, a multitude of living arrangements other than marriage, and the disconnection between marriage and procreation. Populations would face declining sizes if not complemented by new migrants. Over the last decades birth rates have been on the decline in all countries of the world, and it is estimated that already more than half of he world's population has below replacement level fertility. Measured in terms of the Total Fertility Rate (TFR), currently 34 countries have fertility levels of 1.5 or less. Similarly, Korea has been below lowest-low fertility for eight consecutive years since 2001 and below the replacement level for more than twenty years. In explaining the low fertility in Korea, some researchers explain the low fertility as revenge against a male-dominated society and institution, while others focus the impact of the employment instability. These studies share the basic ideas (spread of individualism, delayed marriage and childbearing, high divorce rate etc.) of a second demographic transition in order to explain the low fertility in Korea.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.51-82
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• 2002

This paper focuses on the process of national family politics through the project of family planning which became one of the main factors that brought the structural change in Korean families after 1960's. The family planning was established under the national project which was tightly driven by the government, and the new families were built artificially and coercibly by the plan rationality. The various and diverse forms of the national family politics were revealed in the process of the project. For example, the image of the modern families was forcedly adopted in order to justify the project, the families in this period were under microscopic surveillance in order to accomplish th e project effectively , etc. Modern nuclear families were derived through the economical and social support on the families only with a few number of children, and the structural change was made through the medical technique and support. Consequently, during the forty years after the project, the size of the families were reduced drastically, various and diverse forms of families were generated, and the modern family action and value were wide spread and generalized. Through the project, the government has been establishing th family patterns and norms which were so suitable to the modernization project that the families were able to be pulled into public sphere. The family problems in this process became very serious. However the government repeatedly forced the families to be the reoresentative of welfare state through new-modern political discourses. The welfare through the family is coerced to replace the weakness of welfare state. However the family is not the subject of the welfare, but the object of the welfare. The governmental family politics must make more efforts to gave the families to be the object to the welfare.