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Performance Evaluation of Trunked Land Mobile Radio System (Trunked Land Mobile Radio System의 트래픽 성능분석)

  • 이하철;김원균;이병섭
    • The Journal of Korean Institute of Electromagnetic Engineering and Science
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    • v.8 no.5
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    • pp.431-441
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    • 1997
  • In this paper, a performance evaluation method for the Trunked Land Mobile Radio System, so called TRS(Trunked Radio System), is presented. The proposed evaluation method employs LCD(Lost Call Delayed) system model and Erlang-C distribution. In this system, queues are used to hold call requests that are initally blocked. When a user attempts a call and a channel is not immediately available, the call request may be delayed until a channel becomes available. For evaluating system performance, therefore, the probability that any caller is delayed in the queue for a waiting time greater than t seconds is derived and simulated by using such parameters as total number of available channels, traffic load and average duration of a call. Furthermore, the performance of the message and the transmission trunked channel assignment strategies is compared. The performance simulation results show that transmission trunking is shown to be more efficient than message trunking.

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Point-to-point traffic demand optimization using trunk-group and office measurements (중계선군 및 국 총합 측정 데이타를 이용한 단대단 수요트래픽 추정 최적화 기법 연구)

  • 이선우
    • Proceedings of the Korean Operations and Management Science Society Conference
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    • 1994.04a
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    • pp.317-326
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    • 1994
  • 본 논문은 통신망 설계/성능분석 및 동적라우팅(Dynamic Routing)등 통신망 제반 요소기술의 기초자료가 되는 단대단 수요트래픽의 최적값을 찾는 방법 에 관한 것으로, 기본 알고리듬은 ITC 13차에서 발표되어 속도가 빠르고 메 모리절약 기법이 뛰어난 것으로 평가되고 있는 PPDEA-HM(Point-to-Point Demand Estimation Algorithm using Hopfield Model)을 이용하였다. 이 알 고리듬은 망의 소통율에 따라 성능에 차이가 나므로 이 점을 보완한 MPPDEA-HM(Modified Point-to-Point Demand Estimation Algorithm using Hopfield Model)을 제안하며, 두 결과들이 variation을 비교하여 MPPDEA-HM의 특성이 보다 안정화되었음을 보였다.

A Study on the Costume in Classical Novel 'Shimchungjun' II- Focusing on the Woman's Costume - (소설 '심청전'에 대한 복식 연구 II- 여자 복식을 중심으로 -)

  • 김문자;이수정
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.12 no.3
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    • pp.455-467
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    • 2004
  • The purpose of this study is reviewing and researching the symbolic meaning and classifying the types of the style of the Costume in classical novel 'Shimchungjun' focusing on the woman's costume through the antique records and tombs bequests. Titled ladies for royal family put on 'Wooimkyoryong' and 'Sungun' as a petticoat when the ladies of Song period rode on horses. The underskirt played a part to swell a skirt for ladies. 'Bakjueui' and 'Hwangsangi' were ordinary clothes ranging from ladies of loyal family to women. The red color was limited to royal family. The ordinary clothes of women were white ramie clothes commonly and floral patterned clothes were prohibited to the ordinary clothes for women. 'Ko', a breast-tie (breast ribbon) of a Korean coat, was made of silk and women wear as an outer garment. The common people will wear 'Ko' of white ramie clothes which was very active items. The ladies of royal family and women put on shoes made of white ramie clothes, but the full dress of queen wore blue boots made of leather. The noble women wore 'Suk'(boots) made of deer skin and common people wore straw shoes regardless of gender and age. Sometimes they wore 'Woopihye' made of cowhide. In the first of Koryo era, the styles of dress were consisted of 'Monso', 'Eui', 'Po', 'Dae', 'Koh', 'Sang', 'Sungkun' and 'Kangnang'. The structure of costume for women made little difference and there was a great difference with decoration.

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A Study on the Visual Descriptions of Landscapes in North Korean Literature (북한 문헌에서 경관의 시각적 서술 경향 연구)

  • Ahn, Jin-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.48 no.6
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    • pp.39-47
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    • 2020
  • This paper interprets the social and cultural significance of the "landscape" in North Korea by exploring the object and context of the text referring to the "landscape" in North Korean literature. To this end, the paper first classified the objects describing "landscapes" in serial publications and newspaper articles by types and grouped them according to trend. As a result, the social and cultural significance of the "landscape" in North Korea can be divided among "Projection Object of Orthodoxy", "Visuality extended to the City" and "Visible Socialist-Fairyland". First, in an article about Baekdusan (Mt. Baekdu), "landscape" was used as a medium to prove the legitimacy of the successor. Next, in the Kim Jong-Un regime, "landscape" was used as a word to describe the visual interactions by human economic activities. Finally, as a way to visualize the achievements in the landscape sector, a term for ranking landscapes such as "Socialist-Fairyland" was adopted during Kim Jong-Un's reign. This can be interpreted as one of the devices visualizing the "landscape" and is clearly distinguished from the past.

Possible Continuity and Change of North Korea Though Analysis of, Kim Jong-un's New Year's Message (북한 신년사 분석을 통한 김정은 시대 지속과 변화)

  • Lee, Sung Choon
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.14 no.6_1
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    • pp.75-87
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    • 2014
  • It may be meaningful that analysis of possible continuity and change of North Korea's Kim Jong-un's ruling in its third year. For this analysis, for the application more rational and statistical analysis methods, this study takes advantage of the new years' messages of Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un. In North Korea, the new years' messages are rare enough to give influence to every field of the North Korea's community and the New Year's message performs tutorial role throughout the whole year. The said messages of Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un regimes have been researched and comprehensively summarized. The summarized New Year's Message by Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un are separated, compared and analyzed by the regime by presentation method, configured information, and others followed by New Year message's characteristics and implications of each North Korean regime that have been investigated. Based on the results of this analysis of Kim Jong-un era, possibility of its continuation and change is forecasted. Above all, for possible continuation of the ruling, sticking to the governing socialist way and military-first politics are presented. For possible causes of change, such the four factors as partial opening to overcome economic problems, the North Korean nuclear issue, influx of the nature of capitalism, and Kim Jung-un's control weakness have been presented. Such the factors of possible change and continuation of the North Korea Kim Jung-un ruling are expected to work as a combination of factors. The issue of continuation and change of North Korea Kim Jong-un's control is a key point for us to solve the issues between North and South Koreas. In the situation that the whole people of South Korea have a national consensus in the effort of gathering the public opinion, it is a high time that we needed to have much flexibility to actively cope with the North Korean issues.

A Study on the Theories of Jwajowusa(左祖右社) and Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢) of an Ancient Jongmyo Shrine System (고대 종묘제도의 좌조우사(左祖右社)와 전묘후침(前廟後寢) 설에 대한 일고찰)

  • Seo, Jeong-hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.231-262
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    • 2016
  • The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.