• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.112-138
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• 2021

This paper mainly analyzes the records titled 'Shijujil(施主秩)' from the Bokjangs of each of the Rocana and Shakyamuni statues enshrined as wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triadcomposed of Vairocana(center), Rocana(right), and Shakyamuni(left) at the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye. The Shijujil from the Shakyamuni statue was recovered through Bokjang investigation in September 2015 and has been kept in the museum of Hwaeomsa as an undisclosed relic. After the discovery of the Shijujil from the Rocana statue through an Bokjang investigation in July 2020, both of the Shijujils were only officially released through the special exhibition 'Grand Hwaeomsa Temple in Jirisan Mountain' in September 2021. Existing documents recording on the creation of Buddha statues in the 17th century are in the form of sheets or rolls. However, the Shijujils take the form of simple stitched booklets. The Shijujil from Rocana consists of 19 chapters and 38 pages in one book, and the Shijujil from Shakyamuni consists of 11 chapters and 22 pages in one book. The contents of the Shijujils consist of the purpose of the Buddha statue creation, the creation date, the year and place of enshrining, the names of the statues, the people in charge and their roles, the sculptors, the list of items donated, and the list of the contributors. In addition, the list of monks who were staying at Hwaeomsa Temple at that time are also recorded, so the Shijujil is like a time capsule that tells the situation of Hwaeomsa Temple about 400 years ago. According to the records of the Shijujils and the Writing on the wooden pedestal of Rocana, the Vairocana Triad began to be in March 1634(12th year of King Injo) and was completed in August of that year, and was enshrined in the Daeungjeon Hall in the fall of the following year. It is very important to confirm that the Vairocana Buddha Triad of Hwaeomsa was created in 1634. Since studies on the reconstruction of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century and the roles of Byeokam Gakseong have been mainly based on 『湖南道求禮縣智異山大華嚴寺事蹟』 written by monk Haean in 1636, it has been estimated that the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad was created in 1636. However, it is now known that the Virocana Buddha Triad was created in 1634. The Shijujils are also a good source of information about Byeokam Gakseong who played a pivotal roles in the reconstruction projects of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century. He played leading roles in rebuilding the East Five-story Stone Pagoda(1630), in creating the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad(1634), and in producing the Yeongsanhoe Gwaebul(1653, Hanging Scroll Painting depicting the Shakyamuni preaching). It is also very important that the Shijujils are records that can reveal the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and royal family of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni are the first documents ever discovered in which the names of royal family members, such as Uichanggun(Gwang Lee, son of King Seonjo), Ikseong Shin(son-in-law of King Seonjo), and Crown Prince Sohyeon(son of King Injo) are recorded in detail in relation to the production of Buddha statues. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni contain specific information about the production of the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad in the 17th century, such as the year of production of the Buddha statues, the role of Byeokam Gakseong, and the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and the royal family, so it is of great value not only for art history but also for historical studies of Hwaeomsa Temple.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.216-226
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• 1983

Genetic studies on the $F_2$ generation of a set of half diallel crosses involving six cowpea varieties were conducted. by the randomized block design with three replications to determine combining ability, gene action and the relationships between parents and their $F_2$ hybrids. The 12 agronomic characters namely, days to flowering, days from flowering to maturity, days to maturity, diameter of stem, length of internode, number of branches per plant, length of pod, number of pods per plant, number of grains per pod, number of grains per plant, 100 grain weight and grain weight per plot were observed, and the $F_2$ generation of this diallel set of crosses was analysed for each character according to the method by Jinks and Hayman. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. Vr-Wr graphical analyses; The following seven characters, days to flowering, number of branches per plant, length of pod, number of pods per plant, number of grains per plant, 100 grain weight and grain weight per plot appeared to be partially dominant, and over dominance was found for days from flowering to maturity, days to maturity, length of internode and number of grains per pod. But diameter of stem indicated partial dominance near complete dominance. 2. Estimates of genetic variance components; In the degree of dominance,. eight characters, that is, days to flowering, days from flowering to maturity, days to maturity, length of internode, number of pods per plant, number of grains per pod, number of grains per plant and grain weight per plot were expressed larger than 1. And the characters, days from flowering to maturity, number of branches per plant and number of grains per plant as the degree of mean dominance ($H_1$/D) were found to be negative value over other characters. On the other hand, apprent asymmetry of dominance-recessive allele ($H_2$ /$4H_1$) produced comparatively estimates with lower value on days from flowering to maturity, length of internode, number of branches per plant and number of grains per pod. 3. Analyses of combining ability; Mean square value of GCA(general combining ability) appeared to be more important than those of SCA (specific combining ability) for most characters, and among them, grain weight per plot showed the highest mean square value in GCA and SCA. 4. Effect of combining ability; Variety 178 was expressed as the highest GCA effects in five characters (days to flowering days to maturity, number of pods per plant, number of grains per plant and grain weight per plot). SCA effects were differed from parents, characters and crosses, but crosses between TVu 1857 $\times$ TVu 2885 and TVu 2702 $\times$ J78 were shown to be highly with SCA effects on yield.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.285-320
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• 2020

This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.

• The Korean Journal of Zoology
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.29-40
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• 1977

The authors examined fresh-water gammarid materials which were collected from streams in 20 localities of South Korea during the period from 1965 to 1977. As the results of the observation, the authors have concluded as follows: 1. These fresh-water gammarids belong to Gammarus pulex-group and are distributed widely in mountain-streams of mainland and surrounding islands of South Korea. 2. The present specimens are different from the subspecies, G. pulex koreanus Ueno, 1940 which was described originally from North Korea. In the latter, the pulmose setae of third uropod are limited only to the outer margin of both rami. The peduncle and flagellum of second antenna are fringed with a few short setae and the flagellum is provided with calceoli. In the former, both margins of inner ramus and outer margin of outer ramus of third uropod are fringed with long pulmose setae. The peduncle and flagellum of second antenna have abundant relatively long setase and the flagellum is not provided with calceoli. 3. The present specimens are different from the subspecies, G. pulex sobaegensis Ueno, 1966 which was described originally from South Korea. The latter dwells in cave, while the former dwells in mountain-stream. In the former, the arrangements of pulmose setae of third uropod and the setation of second antenna are similar to those of the latter. But they are quite different from each other in several characters such as shape of upper lip, shape of fifth article of second gnathopod and numbers of incisions on front distal margins of coxal plates 1-3. The former has spines on surface of coxal plates 1-3, but the latter has not. In females, the former has four pairs of marsupial plates, while the latter has three pairs. 4. The present materials show local variations. Therefore, they could be divided into 3 local groups. The first group (specimens from Mt. Odae and Mt. Sogeumgang) has pulmose setae on the both margins of both rami of third uropod and second article of outer ramus is relatively long. In general, this group has setae sparsely on the both rami and especially a few setae on the outer margin of outer ramus. The second group, which are widely distributed in South Korea, has pulmose setae on the both margins of inner ramus and on the outer margin of outer ramus of third uropod. In the third group (specimens from Mt. Soyo), the pulmose setation of third uropod is similar to that of the first group, but the second article of outer ramus is very small.

• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.263-276
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• 2019

'Sinjinbaek' is a bacterial blight (BB)-resistant, mid-late maturing rice cultivar with high grain quality. To diversify the resistance genes and enhance the resistance of Korean rice cultivars against BB, 'Sinjinbaek' was developed from a cross between 'Iksan493' (cultivar name 'Jinbaek') and the F₁ cross between 'Hopum' and 'HR24670-9-2-1' ('HR24670'). 'Jinbaek' is a BB-resistant cultivar with two BB resistance genes, Xa3 and xa5. 'Hopum' is a high grain quality cultivar with the Xa3 resistance gene. 'HR24670' is a near-isogenic line that carries the Xa21 gene, a resistance gene inherited from a wild rice species O. longistaminata, in the genetic background of japonica elite rice line 'Suweon345'. 'Sinjinbaek' was selected through the pedigree method, yield trials, and local adaptability tests. Using bioassay for BB races and DNA markers for resistance genes, three resistance genes, Xa3, xa5, and Xa21, were pyramided in the 'Sinjinbaek' cultivar. 'Sinjinbaek' exhibited high-level and broad-spectrum resistance against BB, including the K3a race, the most virulent race in Korea. 'Sinjinbaek' is a mid-late maturing rice cultivar tolerant to lodging. It has multiple disease resistance against BB, rice blast, and stripe virus. The yield of 'Sinjinbaek' was similar to that of 'Nampyeong'. 'Sinjinbaek' showed excellent grain appearance, good taste of cooked rice, and enhanced milling performance, and we concluded that it could contribute to improving the quality of BB-resistant cultivars. 'Sinjinbaek' was successfully introgressed with the Xa21 gene without the linkage drag negatively affecting its agronomic characteristics. 'Sinjinbaek' improved the resistance of Korean rice cultivars against BB by introgression of a new resistance gene, Xa21, as well as by pyramiding three resistance genes, Xa3, xa5, and Xa21. 'Sinjinbaek' would be suitable for the cultivation in BB-prone areas since it has been used in breeding programs for enhancing plants' resistance to BB (Registration No. 7273).

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.99-130
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• 2012

Service failure and a poor service recovery may lead loyal customers to try to aggressively punish the service firm. We use perceived betrayal and desire for vengeance as the key constructs to understand customer retaliation. Perceived betrayal is defined as a customer's belief that a firm has intentionally violated what is normative in the context of their relationship. And the desire for vengeance is defined as the retaliatory feelings that consumers feel toward a firm, such as the desire to exert harm on the firm. The perceived betrayal and the desire for vengeance are key antecedents of retaliatory behaviors such as vindictive complaining, negative WOM and third-party complaining for publicity. The empirical results suggest that betrayal is a key motivational factor that lead customers to restore fairness by making use of all means, including retaliation. We also find that relationship quality has effect on a customer's response to a failure in service recovery. As the levels of relationship increases, a violation of the proper fairness has a stronger effect on the sense of betrayal experienced by customers. Considerable research has investigated consumer responses to dissatisfaction. But our study examine the response of outraged and highly frustrated consumers. We focus on emotional and behavioral processes that have not been covered by previous dissatisfaction researches and which are unique to outraged consumers caused by extremely dissatisfied purchase experience. It has recently been pointed out by various mass media that the customers not only have positive effects on the company performance but also put the company in crisis. It has often been reported that one customer's dissatisfaction, for example, never ends as it is, and it tends to grow for retaliating upon the company, depending on the level of seriousness of the dissatisfaction. This sometimes leads to a lawsuit against the company. Our study focuses on the customers' emotional and behavioral responses induced by their extreme dissatisfactions. We divided the customer groups into the customers with high relationship quality and the customers with low relationship quality, and the difference between two groups is examined. The objective of this study is to comprehend the causal relationship between the feeling of betrayal caused by the service failure and the retaliatory behavior triggered by the desire of revenge. Our study is divided into three parts. First, a causal relationship between perceived unfairness and the perceived betrayal and desire for revenge. Second, the effect of the perceived betrayal and desire for revenge on the retaliatory behavior is investigated. Finally, the moderating role of relationship quality in the causal relationship between the unfairness in service recovery and the perceived betrayal is analyzed. This study finds the following empirical results. The distributive unfairness, procedural unfairness and interactional unfairness had significant effects on the perceived betrayal. Especially, the perceived distributive unfairness results in the highest perceived betrayal. When the service company does not provide customers proper and sufficient compensation for the failure, they feel the strong sense of betrayal. And in the causal relationship between the perceived betrayal, desire for revenge and retaliatory behavior, the perceived betrayal has significant effects on e desire for revenge. In addition desire for revenge has significant effects on negative word of mouth, retaliatory complaining behavior and publicity of complaints through third group. Therefore the perceived unfairness has effects on retaliatory behavior through the mediation of the perceived betrayal and desire for revenge. Finally the moderating role of relationship quality was examined in the relationship between the unfairness and perceived betrayal. If the customers experienced the perceived unfairness in the process of service recovery, the customers with high relationship quality feel the stronger perceived betrayal than the customers with low relationship quality do. When they experience the double service failure, the customer group with high relationship quality accumulating the sense of trust feel the more perceived betrayal than the customer with low relationship quality who do not have strong trust. The contribution of this study is to find the effect of the service failure on the retaliatory behavior with the moderating roles of relationship quality. The dimensions of unfairness in service recovery is found to have differential effects on the perceived betrayal, desire for revenge. And these differential effect is moderated by the level of relationship quality.

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.39 no.6_2
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• pp.1565-1576
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• 2023

An atmospheric correction algorithm based on the radiative transfer model is required to obtain remote-sensing reflectance (R_rs) from the Geostationary Ocean Color Imager-II (GOCI-II) observed at the top-of-atmosphere. This R_rs derived from the atmospheric correction is utilized to estimate various marine environmental parameters such as chlorophyll-a concentration, total suspended materials concentration, and absorption of dissolved organic matter. Therefore, an atmospheric correction is a fundamental algorithm as it significantly impacts the reliability of all other color products. However, in clear waters, for example, atmospheric path radiance exceeds more than ten times higher than the water-leaving radiance in the blue wavelengths. This implies atmospheric correction is a highly error-sensitive process with a 1% error in estimating atmospheric radiance in the atmospheric correction process can cause more than 10% errors. Therefore, the quality assessment of R_rs after the atmospheric correction is essential for ensuring reliable ocean environment analysis using ocean color satellite data. In this study, a Quality Assurance (QA) algorithm based on in-situ R_rs data, which has been archived into a database using Sea-viewing Wide Field-of-view Sensor (SeaWiFS) Bio-optical Archive and Storage System (SeaBASS), was applied and modified to consider the different spectral characteristics of GOCI-II. This method is officially employed in the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)'s ocean color satellite data processing system. It provides quality analysis scores for R_rs ranging from 0 to 1 and classifies the water types into 23 categories. When the QA algorithm is applied to the initial phase of GOCI-II data with less calibration, it shows the highest frequency at a relatively low score of 0.625. However, when the algorithm is applied to the improved GOCI-II atmospheric correction results with updated calibrations, it shows the highest frequency at a higher score of 0.875 compared to the previous results. The water types analysis using the QA algorithm indicated that parts of the East Sea, South Sea, and the Northwest Pacific Ocean are primarily characterized as relatively clear case-I waters, while the coastal areas of the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea are mainly classified as highly turbid case-II waters. We expect that the QA algorithm will support GOCI-II users in terms of not only statistically identifying R_rs resulted with significant errors but also more reliable calibration with quality assured data. The algorithm will be included in the level-2 flag data provided with GOCI-II atmospheric correction.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.70-100
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• 2023

The celadon made in the Goryeo era, a time when Buddhism was flourishing in Korea, naturally contains many elements of Buddhist culture. Among them, inlaid celadon with Sanskrit inscriptions bears a close relationship with esoteric Buddhism. However, the research on deciphering the Sanskrit inscriptions has made little progress due to the small number of extant examples. However, the four recent excavations at the No. 23 kiln site in Sadang-ri, Gangjin have yielded new materials that allow the existing materials to be categorized into several types. The results obtained through the reading and interpretation of the inscriptions are as follows: First, the Sanskrit characters inlaid on the celadon were parts of mantras. Inscriptions where only one character is apparent cannot be deciphered, but scholars have revealed that others are written in the manner of a wheel mantra represent the "Mantra for Purifying the Dharma-Realm," "Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja," "Sweet Dew Mantra," "Jewel Pavilion Mantra," "Mantra of the Savior Bodhisattva," "Dharani of the Mind of the Budha of Infinite Life," and "Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth." Each mantra was written in Siddham script. Second, they are believed to have been produced during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries based on the arrangement of the inscriptions and the way the "Sweet Dew Mantra" is included in the "40 Hands Mantra." In particular, the celadon pieces with a mantra inlaid in a concentric manner are dated to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries based on their production characteristics. Third, the interpretation of the inlaid mantras suggests that they all refer to the "Shattering Hell" and "Rebirth in the Pure Land." Based on this, it can be concluded that some of these inlaid celadon wares with mantras may have been used in Buddhist rituals for the dead, such as the ritual for feeding hungry ghosts (施餓鬼會). Also, because the Sadang-ri No. 23 kiln site and the "ga" area of the site are believed to have produced royal celadon, it is likely that these rituals were performed at the royal court or a temple under its influence. Fourth, this inlaid Goryeo celadon with Sanskrit mantras was not a direct influence of the ceramics of Yuan China. It emerged by adopting Yuan Chinese Buddhist culture, which was influenced by Tibetan Buddhism, into Goryeo Korea's existing esoteric practices. Fifth, the celadon wares inlaid with a Sanskrit mantra reveal a facet of the personal esoteric rituals that prevailed in late Goryeo society. Changes in esotericism triggered by the desire for relief from anxieties can be exemplified in epitaph tablets and coffins that express a shared desire for escaping hell and being born again in paradise. Sixth, the inlaid celadon with Sanskrit mantras shares some common features with other crafts. The similarities include the use of Siddham Sanskrit, the focus on Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja, the correspondence with the contents of the mantras found on Buddhist bells, wooden coffins, and memorial tablets, and their arraignment in a similar manner with rooftiles. The major difference between them is that the Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth and the Sweet Dew Manta have not yet been found on other craftworks. I believe that the inscriptions of Sanskrit mantras are found mainly on inlaid celadon vessels due to their relatively low production cost and efficiency.