• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.25-47
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• 2008

This paper tries to explore the impact of economic globalization on social capital accumulation. To investigate direct effect, we build a model and derive a proposition which can explain the relative decline in social capital brought about by market expansion. Besides direct effect, we also explore channel effect through democracy, government size, education attainment, and inequality. We estimate direct and channel effect of globalization using cross section of 65 countries data time period 1980-1999 using three-stage least squares(3SLS). Results are in line with predictions and clearly support that globalization significantly and negatively affects social capital accumulation. Channel effect also shows that globalization has a negative effect through aggravating income inequality while it has a positive effect through higher education attainment, higher level of democracy and larger government spending. Such a net negative channel effect reinforces our prediction. As a robustness check we estimate other sets of data and the result strongly supports our theory.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Disaster Information Conference
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• 2016.11a
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• pp.299-301
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• 2016

현대 사회에서 테러는 국제적으로 매우 빈번하게 일어나고 있으며, 대한민국도 더 이상 테러의 안전지대가 아니라는 뉴스가 보도되고 있다. 하지만 우리에 테러의 인식에 따른 시각은 다소 편협하여 성별, 나이, 직위, 장소등 많은 부분에서 갈등을 갖으며, 또한 한반도는 남북한의 갈등으로 인한 특수성은 게릴라 전을 테러라고 인식하는 시각이 있다. 국내 특수성으로 인해 테러를 전쟁의 영역으로 보고 테러대응 전략은 국가 안보로 많이 치우쳐져 있다. 역사와 정치적으로 또한 테러는 이념대립으로 인한 전쟁으로 치우쳐 전쟁의 전략에 한 부분으로 인식 되어 왔다는 것이 사실이다.(Rumyana G., 2014) 이는 전쟁의 시각에서 테러를 잘 설명하고 있다. 한편, 테러의 개념은 시간이 지남에 따라 기존의 안보의 개념뿐 아니라 재난의 개념에서도 찾을 수 있다. "불평등한 사회에 대한 민중의 분노로 이해하여야 한다"고 스위스 진보적 사회학자 장 징글러(Jean Ziegler) 는 말하며 무고한 사람들을 타겟으로 한 정치적 목적을 이루기 위한 비합법적 무력 사용으로 보았다. 즉, 비합법적 무력사용으로 무고한 다중(Innocent people)에게 폭력을 행사한 것이다. 젠킨스와 라쿼르의 정의를 살펴보면 "테러리즘이란 폭력 혹은 폭력의 위협이다"라고 정하였다.(Jenkins 2004) 폭력이란 형법에서는 다른 사람에게 상해를 입히거나 협박하거나 하는 등의 행위와 함께 다른 사람을 감금하는 행위, 주거에 침입하는 행위, 기물의 파손 등에 대해서도 폭력이라 표현한다. 철학, 정치학 등의 학문에서는 다른 사람 또는 국가나 세력을 제압하는 힘을 일반적으로 지칭하기도 한다. 힘자랑이나 힘겨루기가 이에 속한다. 무력의 사용으로 사회에 심리적인 영향을 끼치며 사회적 파괴를 일으키는 것을 보편적 테러의 개념으로 볼 수 있다. 테러는 국가 통치 질서와 사회질서 안정에 큰 위협과 혼란을 초래하는 파괴행위의 무력행사로 국가의 재난 상황을 유발하는 인류가 만든 재난으로 볼 수 있다. 자연현상으로 발생하는 자연재해는 인류의 시점에서 재난으로 해석된다. 마찬가지로 사회현상으로 발생하는 폭력적 파괴행위에 대한 피해는 인류의 시점에서 재난의 현상으로 해석 되어야 한다. 과학기술이 발달하면서 첨단기술을 이용한 폭력행위와 파괴의 두려움은 정보통신 기술의 발달로 두려움의 전파 속도도 빨라 질 것이다. 따라서 테러행위의 극복을 위해서는 테러를 인적재난(Man-made Disaster)로 보고 재난의 범주로 포함하여 미래의 테러를 위한 대비전략을 수립해야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 본 논문에서는 학계의 학자들과 기관 및 민간 의 전문기관들에 따른 테러의 정의를 분석하고 재난정의를 고찰하여 시사점을 제시하고, 대테러 대비 전략의 방향에 기틀을 마련하고자 테러정의를 도출하였습니다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.51-83
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• 2018

This study examines whether the widening gap between income groups is worsening in the distribution of time use, similar to the worsening of income distribution after the IMF. To do this, we conducted multilevel analysis (HLM) on six countries including France, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom, the United States and Korea. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, in all countries, low income groups have a longer paid working time and shorter leisure time. Second, the low income groups in Korea have the longest paid work time and the shortest leisure time, the lowest level of work-leisure balance, and this aspect has not recovered since the IMF. Third, as the result of multilevel analysis, the lower the household income, the more time paid labor increased and the work-leisure balance decreased. Fourth, while average annual working hours increase paid working time, the expansion of family policy expenditure, redistribution policy and income maintenance policy has reduced it. Fifth, the annual average working hours decreased the work-leisure balance, but the family policy expenditure, the redistribution policy and the income guarantee policy increased the work-leisure balance. The significance of this study is that after the IMF, not only the income distribution but also the inequality among the income class in time use has deepened. Based on the results of the research this study suggests the reinforcement of labor time regulation, the activation of parental leave system, the realization of the income replacement rate, the expansion of the policy related to income redistribution, and the complementary development of the income guarantee and the time guarantee policy as the policy intervention strategy that restructures time.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.131-172
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• 2018

It is noted that nowadays, the bride wealth custom takes an extremely distorted form in African society. Such a phenomenon is a result that the male-dominant culture, Western religions, and capitalist economic system have been negatively combined into dynamic factors seen as bride wealth. This means that the concept of bride wealth has been incessantly reconstructed in the middle of clash and conflict of tradition and modernity. There is also little doubt that the practice is inextricably tangled with the common and current ways of livelihood, early marriage, polygyny, kinship/family structure, poverty, and migration labor. Bride wealth has become an increasingly commercialized element under a capitalist economic system. Accordingly, its traditional symbolism is seen to be subsequently weakening, whereas a tendency towards the reification of women is strengthening more in modern society that embraces modern customs bent on the protection of women's human rights. Its commercialization has produced a result, which instigates the noted violations of women's basic human rights, gender inequality, and promotion of domestic violence. The ways that people perceive bride wealth vary according to their own sex, generation, stratification, and ethnic background. Those people who negatively recognize bride wealth will increase with the deepening of its commercialization due to the influence of capitalism. Its color and effect will deepen and depend on how its agents correspond to socioeconomic changes. They will constantly reinterpret and reconstruct it within their own environments, but the basic human rights efforts are constantly under review by concerned individuals seeking to promote equality for women as a global effort.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.68
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• pp.11-40
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• 2021

The coronavirus pandemic has brought about significant negative changes in our society to the point where it has to be divided into 'Before Corona'(BC) and 'After Corona'(AC). Typical examples include economic difficulties and medical inequality of some social excluded groups as well as individuals who die alone because they are alienated from social networks, and hate and violent discrimination against Asian immigrants, which are rapidly increasing in Western countries in these days. In addition, the pandemic is at a global level, ranging from the vaccine gap between the first and third worlds, triggered by competition for securing vaccines between countries that put their own interests first, the income gap due to changes in the economic environment and financial market, and the bankruptcy of individuals and corporations. In 'all'(pan) and 'people'(demos) became a limit situation that could not be avoided. There is also the opinion that the world could witness the worst catastrophe if the pandemic spreads to poor countries at risk of increasing violence, poverty and famine. The purpose of this paper is to examine the changes in society caused by the Coronavirus pandemic and to suggest the direction of Christian education accordingly. To this end, this paper analyzes the medical, economic, and psychological crises that society faces in the post-corona era. Next, we look at the changes in Christian theology, mission, and worship, which are strongly required for fundamental changes in the context of the pandemic. Based on the above discussion, we propose a new direction for Christian education necessary in the post-corona era.

• 한국노년학
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.73-93
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• 2005

This study explores the determinants of economic status and well-being among elderly Koreans. Particular emphasis is paid to the role of intergenerational support in these processes because institutional responses to an aging population in Korea are currently inadequate. Path model results indicate that status maintenance variables have significant effects on economic status and well-being as measured by comprehensive income. Further, inequality in comprehensive income - as measured by the Gini and Theil's indices - is substantial and increases in successive age groups. However, market-based and family-based income, two components of comprehensive income, show different patterns. Inequality in market-based income is apparently increasing, while inequality in family-based income is decreasing gradually in successive age groups. With respect to the role of intergenerational support, results indicate that family-income-focused persons possess highly vulnerable sociodemographic characteristics, and that for the socially disadvantaged elderly Koreans, intergenerational support plays a crucial role in the later stages of life. This study also discusses the implications of these findings for the transition from latency to manifestation of intergenerational support in Korea.

• Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.49-61
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• 2024

South Korea faces a declining population and rural areas vanishing due to urbanization. Infrastructure, especially medical facilities, may not be sustainable for a long-term. This may impact vulnerable groups like children, teens, and the elderly, worsened by an aging population and low birth rates. Gangwon-do, notably Chuncheon-si, suffers from rural depopulation and poor healthcare self-sufficiency. In this paper, using 2SFCA(Two-Step Floating Catchment Area), we analyze healthcare access in Chuncheon-si, identifying gaps and vulnerable areas. LISA analysis helps map medical vulnerability, considering patient demand and supply. The Gini coefficient assesses spatial inequality. We propose distributing healthcare services and personnel based on age and region. The aim is to identify locations for additional hospitals catering to the elders, Infants, Children, and Adolescents,considering spatial accessibility.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.41-73
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• 2006

Using 1998~2003 data of the Korea Labor and Income Panel Survey, we analyze the scale, characteristics, and dynamic transition of working poors. The result shows that more than half of the poor families are working poors and that a considerable portion of economically active households is in poverty. However, compare to other kinds of poor families, working poors can easily escape from poverty once after they entered into poverty. When household head is elderly and less educated, the risk of working poor is relatively high. Also, self-employed households have high risk of working poor compare to households having wage worker(s). To ease the problem of working poor, creation of decent jobs and human resource development for vulnerable groups are important. Especially, the creation of decent jobs will do critical roles not only in solving employment issues but also in moderating income inequality among families. Policy development for self-employed in the brink of poverty and establishment of a solid social security system for working poors are also recommended.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.386-396
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine young Koreans' welfare attitudes towards youth policy and to analyze the determinants on such attitudes. The main results are as follows. Many young people(72.1%) understand that government should be responsible for youth support and spending on youth support policy(49.5%) and job support policy(59.7%) should be expanded than current level. But only 24.1% approved the provision of youth allowance. There was a significant in-group heterogeneity among the young generation in terms of support for expanding fiscal spending for youth policy and youth allowance provision. Results from the regression analysis indicated sex, age, education level, employment status, type of housing affect attitudes towards youth policy and statistical significance of them was different according to each analytic model. Korean young adult generally perceived that our society was unequal and the higher the perception of inequality, the higher support for youth policy. These results implicates that in-group heterogeneity among youth generation in terms of socio-economic needs and subjective perception should be regarded as important factor in the youth policy making process.