• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.71-91
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• 2012

Gun-Ho Song had been selected as 'the most respected person' in a survey targeting journalists. While being a journalist, Gun-Ho Song had directly experienced that the press submitted to government suppression and became commercialized receiving government benefits. In 1975, when Dong-A Ilbo(Daily News) submitted to the government suppression and conducted a mass of discharge of journalists, he felt responsibility and left the newspaper company. After that, he criticized more sharply the media subordinated to the power and capital. The core of Gun Ho Song's thought of the press is that the media should be independent from the power and capital contributing to nationalism and democracy. Also, he insisted that journalists should equip with historical consciousness and social scientific knowledge beyond roles like skilled workers. His idea of the press is still valid in the current media situation showing that journalists become skilled workers and independence of the press is risky. Looking into his activity and idea of the press can help seek for the right attitude of journalists and right roles of the media in the change of media environment.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.95-130
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• 2014

Three frequently used documents by researchers on the Japanese colonial period-Classified Police Records of the Japanese Government-General of korea on the Anti-Japanese Movement 舊 朝鮮總督府 警務局 抗日獨立運 動關係 秘密記錄, Trial Records of Gyeongseong District Court 京城地方法院 裁判記錄 and Filed Documents of Gyeongseong District Court 京城地方法院 編綴文書(while the latter two were collected by the National Institute of Korean History, the former was collected by Asiatic Research Institute of Korea University)-are among the same records group that the Prosecutor's Office of Gyeongseong District Court produced through registration and compilation. As contents related to ideology suppression and thought control were numerous, it could be assumed that most of the materials were produced by the 'Department of Ideology' of the Prosecutor's Office. By examining the administrative records of the 1920's within this group, the process of how the 'Department of Ideology' was formed is clearly shown. As ideological movements for Korea's independence and revolution grew, execution of regulations was further expanded by the Prosecutor's Office. Since the mid-1920's, information on ideology had been separated from general information, was routinely collected heavily, and was considered more valuable than the general information. By the end of the 1920's, the term Ideology Prosecutor 思想係 檢事(meaning a prosecutor who specializes in ideology verification) and the named 'Department of Ideology'(思想部) emerged on the records.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.50-70
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• 2012

This study, as one of works to understand the character of contemporary journalism thought in Korea, aims to review the journalism thought of Jang Jun-Ha, a magazine journalist who published the monthly magazine Sasanggye(思想界) from the 1950s to the 1960s and promoted its influence like major newspapers at that times. For the purpose it analyzed how his understanding of journalism had been performed and what his main logic and idea on journalism thought was. Based on the above it considered the matters related to the characteristics of his journalism thought. As result of study his journalism thought can be said nationalistic enlightenment journalism consistently since he established the magazine to enlighten the educated youth, while it shows a kind of interpretive journalism or orientating journalism from the end of 1950s. In 1962 when political suppress on the Sasanggye was growing worse his journalism thought is evaluated to show a kind of advocacy journalism strongly. As he understood and received the concept and theory newly recognized in the academic and press community, his journalism thought could be said to be advanced at that times. Also his theory and assertion could be evaluated persuasive from the viewpoint of the following concrete execution and action.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.25-44
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• 2018

Modern Japanese "Anti-war poetry" originates from Sino-Japanese war and Russo-Japanese war period. Sino-Japanese war was started by an Imperial rescript of war declared and ordered by the Japanese Emperor to the Japanese citizens. With this declaration, the Emperor gave a message to the population that Objection was not acceptable. This Declaration of Imperial Rescript (Shousho) became justified as being a Crusade or Holy war. Any Anti-war stance was considered an ideology of revolt against the Emperor and his order of Imperial rescript (Okotoba). This was why when Akiko Yosano's "Don't you dare lay down your life" (1904) was published, it received harsh criticisms such as "be punished in the name of the nation". Anti-war poetry as a way of free speech was suppressed. Short poem was especially targeted. Because it is seen as a minor genre, short poem has been passed over. It needs to be reappraised for its importance as a category of anti-war poetry. Notably, modern short poem (New Senryu) has been under oppression and relentless surveillance because of its stance of criticizing politics and society in general by making full use of satire and irony. A supreme example of satirizing of Imperial Rescript on education was the "An anti-war poetry" by Akiri Tsuru. This treatise is a study of how ironical technique from "An anti-war poetry" inverts the meaning of "Imperial decree" and "Imperial rescript".

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.7-44
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• 2007

This study aims to review the socialist news magazines between 1925 and 1936 under the Japanese regime, then to analyze how they published and how they managed the branch. The socialist magazines appeared legally and officially right after the 3 1 movement when the ownership and publishing of newspapers and news magazines was partially allowed. However, there were many obstacles because the permission by the Japanese regime was a result of deceptive cultural policy. The Japanese government more sensitively responded to the socialists' related news stories rather than other types of publications. Due to over-censorship and financial difficulty, the life time of most socialists' news magazines was very short. However, these news magazines did play an important role to disseminate socialism. In doing so, because the news magazines were a part of social movements, the delivery network was also maintained based on social movements.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.65-73
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• 2021

This research analyzes the characteristics of Chinese tragic films with Chinese traditional ethical ideology as the core, analyzes its specific performance in the plot and ending setting of the film , and analyzes the director's tragic narrative strategy of cultural reconciliation in the face of political environment to understand the characteristics of Chinese contemporary tragic films.The film is a Chinese contemporary tragic film with The Great Cultural Revolution as its historical background. This film is a representative film of Chinese contemporary tragic films. The classic plot has played a certain role in the expression of Chinese traditional ethical ideology such as fatalism and optimistic attitude to life. The male lead's thought changes interpret the Chinese-style tragedy characteristics containing Chinese traditional ethical ideology. In the setting of the ending, the film broke through the "happy ending" model of Chinese traditional tragedies, and chose the open ending of "one tragedy to the end", further showing the time feature of Chinese contemporary tragic film. The euphemism and tenderness of the film as a tragic film is not only due to the compromise with the political culture of power, but also the result of the director's in-depth understanding of the aesthetics of Chinese tragedy. Through the use of symbolic signs in the film language, it has formed the implicit characteristics of the film narrative in the tragic aesthetic experience. In this paper, the author conducts text analysis for the film and discusses presentation of Director Yimou Zhang's tragic feelings and using the tragic narrative strategy of cultural reconciliation to show his creative wisdom in pursuing artistic breakthroughs under political pressure.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.39-55
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• 1997

Purpose : Dong-Mu(東武) Lee Je-Ma(李濟馬) was designated as a member of fifty persons 'The Wise Ancestors of Korean Culture and Art' in 1984 and the december of 1996 was appointed as 'The Month of Lee Je-Ma'. Though his achivements was valued like this, some historian criticized that he suppressed the righteous army. So this study was for clarifing the background, the motive, and the course of 'The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan' occurred in Hamhung on february in 1896, and for the correct appraisement about this event. And also through this, author tried to make clear the origin of Lee Je-Ma's thought. Method : After studing the background of the end of Chosun dynasty and the righteous army in 1895(乙未義兵). Author made a comparative study through the historical materials of the goverment side, the Choi Moon-Hwan side, and the Lee Je-Ma side about 'The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan' occurred in Hamhung on februrary in 1896. Results & Conclusion : The event occurred in Hamhung on february in 1896 was a part of rebellion of the righteous army in 1895 which had risen against The startling Occurrence of 1895'(乙未義兵) and 'The Royal Commands To Cut Off People's Hair'(斷髮令). Lee Je-Ma suppressed the Rising and put Choi Moon-Hwan in the prison, and which was criticized that he suppressed the righteous army later day. That time was a conflict period between conservatism and civilization, and the Lee Je-Ma's act was the best way to protect the security of residents from the attack which maybe occurred by Japanese army in Wonsan. Judging from this events, author could find Lee Je-Ma's thought was quite different from righteous army's neo-confucianism and conservatism. In the aspect of the history of 'Korean National Movement', further study about Choi Moon-Hwan, the chief of righteous army will be need.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.101-141
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• 2014

Idealistic Rural Community Movement(Rural Utopia Movement) was one of the most powerful rural community movements in the world. Regardless of the East or the West, people started dreaming of happiness through idealization of rural communities as early as several centuries ago and have tried to implement this as a social movement to make the dream come true. Western rural utopia movement started when Thomas More published "Utopia" in England in 1516 and spread to many other countries in various forms. Chinese version of rural utopia was well portrayed in both "So Gook Gwa Min" (small population in a small country) written by Lao-tzu in the 6th century B.C. and "Arcadia" by Do, Yun-Myoung in the $4^{th}$ century. In Korea, the rural utopia people pursued was vividly described in the following three. First, Yul Do Gook portrayed in "Hong Gil Dong Jun" written by Hu Gyoon. Second, Gong Do portrayed in "Hu Sang Jun" written by Park Ji Won. Third, Sin Min Hwe's rural utopia movement made in the entire nation as well as Manchuria and America so as to save the country, which contributed to protecting the rural communities and arousing hopes in farmers by making a good model. This movement is especially important in that it became the foundation of modernization of Korea through Ga Na An(Canaan) Farmers' School and Sae Ma Ul Woon Dong(New village movement), which were heavily influenced by continued Sin Min Hwe's rural utopia movement.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."