• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.191-222
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• 2011

Traditionally, the origin of the Han River has been thought as Utongsu(于筒水) and Geumgangyeon(金剛淵). As both of these places are located in Odaesan(五臺山) the $Ma{\tilde{n}}ju{\acute{s}}ri$(文殊) Holy Place, we can well assume the possibility of Buddhist influence on them. In the Buddhist understanding on the origin of the Han River, what we should first notice are 'the recognition on the water of Buddhism' and 'the recognition on the river in Indian culture.' With the reviews, we may come to see by what standpoint these could become existed, if there were Buddhist influences on the recognition of Han River's origin. Based on these Buddhist and Indo-cultural view points, the author tries to make more dearly the definition of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon that are recognized as the origin of the Han River. Through it, we can check the relation of Buddhism and Indian culture in their influence on the concepts of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon. In Indian culture, what is noticed in relation with the origin of the river is Anavatapta, in which the sacredness of the water named the 8 virtuous waters is recorded. It is the materialistic sacredness which can be compared with the sacred feature of Utongsu that "its color and taste are far greater than other waters, and so is its weight. ${\cdots}$ Its color and taste do not change even after it flows into the Han River." Furthermore, both of Anavatapta and Utongsu have the same symbolism of dragon that the highest dragon king and a divine dragon were told to live in respective lakes. This similar structure found in the recognition of two rivers' origin may become an evidence of Buddhist influence on the recognition of the Han River's origin. The recognition of the Han River's origin is based on the traditional culture. Therefore, it may be natural that there is the Buddhist culture in it. At the same time, some viewpoints of Chinese culture can be found in it. So, the traditional recognition on the Han River's origin comprises diversity and complexity of Indian and Chinese cultures together.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.104-114
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• 2014

Nowadays, forests have been recognized as valuable resources for biological diversity and tourism/recreation. Temple forests occupy 1.3% of all the Korean forest and are under weak management although their ecological states are very good. Currently in the Buddhist society, the concern for the Buddhist arboretum has been raised as a good alternative for the practical use of temple forests to secure the sustainability of the temple forests as well as to actively meet the demand of the times for forests. This study aims to suggest establishment measures of Buddhist arboretum. This survey was performed on 105 temple forest managers and 130 laypersons. To summarize the results, the two groups differ in opinion. The temple forest managers more concerned for advertizing Buddhist culture and enhancing the image of the temple, while the laypersons had higher expectations for relaxation and education. However, they are similar in putting more emphasis on the conserving the heritage value of the temple and managing the temple forest. Above all, both groups evaluated the needs higher than the urgency and perceived managing temple forest as the most crucial function of a Buddhist arboretum. They also thought that a Buddhist arboretum should be planned to respond to the ecological characteristics of the temple area as well as to be non-exclusive to its users. Based on the important findings, five suggestions for a Buddhist arboretum were proposed. First, a Buddhist arboretum should be carried forward from a long-term point of view, developing a bond of sympathy between members of Buddhist society as well as conducting promotion and education to the general public. Second, the most significant function of a Buddhist arboretum should be preserving the temple forest, with the emphasis on relaxation and education. Third, in order to provide nonexclusive use, a Buddhist arboretum should provide mixed programs applicable to diverse user groups for high user satisfaction and educational effects. Fourth, the Buddhistic identification could be obtained through variety of plants closely associated with Buddhist culture. Lastly, in the process of collecting plants, it is also crucial to reflect the image of the temple and resource property so as to contribute itself in conservation and management of original temple forests. Thereby all Buddhist Arboretum can be classified into two types; preservation/collection and display/education/rest.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.16
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• pp.265-304
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• 2003

장례의식은 불교에서 가장 중요한 정기적인 의식들 중에 하나이다. 이러한 의식은 수도자나 죽은 사람들을 위해서 행해지고 있다. 그렇다고 장례의식의 목적이 죽은 사람들만을 위한 것이 아니라 근원적으로는 'saṃsāra'의 윤회로부터 완전한 해방을 구하는 모습을 의미한다. 티벳불교에서의 죽음은 두 가지를 의미를 인식한다. 하나는 열반으로 입적하는 것으로 다섯 가지에 완전히 융해되는 것을 뜻한다. 이러한 죽음은 더 이상의 '태어남'이 없다. 열반의 경지는 카르마 안에서 융해 되거나 평화를 얻은 경지인 것이다. 또 하나의 죽음은 카르마의 법칙에 의해서 통제 되거나 하나의 영혼이 열반 안으로 들어가기 전까지 순환적인 주기 안에서 지속적으로 반복되는 것이다. 카르마는 불교의 관례를 통해서 카르마의 힘은 없어질 수 있다고 할지라도 근본적으로 외부적인 간섭을 수행하지는 않는다. 즉 불교의 이념들은 각자의 노력을 통해 해방을 얻는 것을 가르치고 있다. 하지만 카르마의 경로가 식별하기 어려워 제의식의 효과나 수행의식을 통해 알아 볼 수밖에 없다. 여기서는 티벳불교에서 죽은 후의 몸을 적절히 배치하는 방법을 얻는 제의식이나 축제에 관심을 갖는 것이 아니라 이를 통한 실질적이고 복합적인 힘, 그리고 카르마적 흐름을 바꾸거나 심지어 없애버릴 수 있는 의식에 관심을 갖고자 한다.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.47-80
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• 2005

고구려는 지리적인 조건으로 말미암아 삼국 가운데 가장 먼저 불교를 수용할 수 있었으며 5세기부터 7세기사이에 고구려의 불교문화가 백제, 신라와 고대 일본에 전해져 동아시아 전체에 보급되었다. 불교 전래 당시부터 고구려 왕실이 열성적으로 불교를 신봉한 일은 충분히 주목할 가치가 있는데, 왜냐하면 중앙 집권적 국가로 전환을 시도하던 때 마침 불교의 사회적 정치적 가치를 인식하게 되었기 때문이다. 불교와 왕권이 상호 관계를 강화하는 쪽으로 힘을 결집시켰는데, 왕실은 불교에 대해서 후한 지원을 아끼지 않았으며, 불교는 전륜성왕, 혹은 우주를 지배하는 자, 미륵 그리고 보살 등 모티브의 상징적 중요성을 통치자에게까지 확대시킴으로써 통치자의 지위를 신성시하는 이념적 기틀을 제공하였던 것이다. 이런 맥락에서 볼 때 불교를 받아들인 후에 세워진 비문들이 왕명 앞에 성(聖) 자를 붙여 왕의 지위를 신성화하는 의미를 나타내고 있다는 점은 우연의 일치가 아니다. 4세기말 국가 차원에서 불교를 수용한 고구려와 6세기초 법흥왕 당시의 신라는 시대적인 차이가 있으나, 국가 발전의 같은 단계에 서있었기 때문에 이 두 나라의 초기 불교 정책에 많은 유사점을 찾을 수 있다 고구려에서 거칠부와 더불어 신라로 넘어 온 혜량법사가 진흥왕 12년에 처음 개최된 백고좌강회는 《인왕경》에 입각한 것이며, 이 법회가 신라인의 사상적 통합과 진흥왕의 위업을 향상하는 데 기여하였다고 여겨진다. 그리고 진흥왕이 말년에 승복을 입고 법운이라는 법호를 택했는데 여기서 주목할만한 것은 법운(法雲)이 《십지경》에서 말하는 보살의 수행 최종 단계 그것에서 따온 것이며, 《십지경》은 이미 고구려에 익히 알려졌을 것이었다.신라 화랑이 미륵의 현현으로 여겨졌다 함은 일찍부터 지적되어 온 것입니다만 이 논문에서, 그것은 북중국에서 5·6세기경 유행한 그리고 소미륵으로 간주된 월광동자 (月光童子)신앙이 고구려를 통해 남하여 화랑의 사상적인 바탕이 됐다는 것으로 이해하였다. 그 증거로 《수라비구월광동자경》에 나타난 용어와 고대 한반도의 지명을 들 수 있는데 이 경은 고구려의 선인(仙人) 사상 및 신라의 화랑을 간접적으로 직결시킨다는 점도 염두 할 필요가 있다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.31-77
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• 2011

식민지하 동남아 천년왕국 운동에 대한 오늘날의 해석들은 그 주체인 농민들을 식민주의를 개념화하고 저항하는 동기와 조건 그리고 상징을 제공하는 토착 지식의 전수자로 간주한다. 종말론과 저항에 대한 관심의 대부분은 농민연구나 지역연구 학자들로부터 유래하며, 이들은 봉기에 대한 과거의 묘사들이 토착의 정신세계를 간과했거나 국가이념을 저항세력들의 결집원리로 과대 포장한 것에 주의를 기울인다. 천년왕국 봉기에 관한 글들에서 제공하는 해석들은 동남아 신념 체계에 관한 독립적인 관점을 제공할 뿐만 아니라, 인식론적 측면에서 식민지국가들을 이와 같은 전통에서 단절시키고 있다. 영국 식민지하에서 최대의 농민반란인 서야쌍 봉기(1930-1932)는 오늘날 이와 같은 천년왕국 운동의 정수를 보여주는 사례로 간주된다. 학자들은 수천 명의 농민들로 하여금 버마인의 권위를 되찾고, 불교를 회복시키며, 식민통치로 인해 낳은 사회-경제적 부조리를 일소시킬 그들의 왕으로 믿게 만든 한 농부의 흥미로운 이야기를 묘사하고 있다. 일련의 반란이 미신에 의해 추동되었다고 간주한 식민지 관찰자들과는 달리 이후의 역사가들은 그 반란이 불교를 재건하고 태평성대로 인도할 미래부처인 미륵불의 현신에 대한 믿음의 표현이라고 해석했다. 이러한 학자들에게 서야쌍 봉기는 어떻게 동남아 사람들의 감수성이 식민지의 사회-경제적 압력 속에서도 지속되었으며, 상좌불교의 예언이 토착의 문화적 토양에 얼마나 깊이 내재해 있는지를 말해주는 사례였다. 경험적 관점에서 본 글은 서야쌍 봉기의 근원을 재해석함으로써 천년왕국 봉기에 관한 글들이 대부분 식민지적 문서화 작업과 종교를 과장되고 세속화된 화술로 믿게 하려고 지역연구자들의 산물임을 밝히고 있다. 개념적 관점에서 본고는 버마에서 일어난 천년왕국 운동의 역사적 구성에 대한 식민주의의 역할을 보다 면밀히 관찰하였다. 또한 식민지법, 학문, 그리고 식민지하 버마 농촌에서 발생한 종교적 저항에 대한 우리들의 이해를 상호 연결하는 인식론적 관계를 탐구했다. 그리하여 본고는 천년왕국 해석이 이 시기에 공존했던 다른 유형의 불교정치적 형태를 어떻게 왜곡했는가를 밝히고 있다.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.80
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

Confucianism and Buddhism were compatible in the period of Goryeo Dynasty. And then, the rulers worshiped Confucianism and repressed the religious activity of the Buddhist monk in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty. But King Sejong planed to bring reconciliation between Confucianism and Buddhism. Especially on the ceremonies of mourning and sacrificial rituals, he always performed the two religious style. The reason of sticking to his amicable consciousness is as follows. Firstly, he thinks that both the theory of Confucianism and the religious spirit of Buddhism are very important for the building up the foundation of his Dynasty. Secondly, his mind has been of a same faith cure on the incurable disease. Therefor, when the Royal family is taken ill he must pray to Buddha for recovery from the first stage. Thirdly, he regards social conditions to be the most important and respect for man's life and dignity for the purpose of beneficent administration. But Joseon's government line was the anti-Buddhist policy. So, the policy came in the wake of a debate among King Sejong and Confucian government officials. However his harmonious mind was unchanged between Confucianism and Buddhism. After all, in the last phase of his life he was deeply religious on Buddhism. I think that King Sejong's amicable consciousness could make a contribution to overcome religious conflicts and to create a new political cultural form in the modern society

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.9
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• pp.93-101
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• 2014

My artwork, '1000 years', in the form of an animation film has been exhibited in the '2011 Haein Art project' of a special exhibition at the Haeinsa monastery compound. The '1000 years' represents the marvels of sacredness and Buddhist symbols using the surrealist expression of computer animation. This paper would argue how Buddhist idea can be explored by the surrealist expression of 3D computer animation. In the light of this, animation and surrealist expression will be reviewed by the epistemological approach and based on this, I would attempt to reveal how this computer animation film represents the meaning of Buddhist symbols which exist in the monastery compound. This research is processed by the case study related to my artwork as the form of art practice based research.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.179-209
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• 2022

In order to show the achievements of eminent monks who made great contributions to the spread and establishment of Buddhism in China, Huijiao (慧皎) compiled the Gaosengzhuan (高僧傳, Biographies of Eminent Monks) and set up ten subjects, the Shike (十科); meaning the ten rules for translating. The ten subjects served as an important framework for the Gaosengzhuan and its significance as a general history of Buddhism. This significance was further confirmed by the Xu-Gaosengzhuan (續高僧傳 The Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks), the Song-Gaosengzhuan (宋高僧傳 The Song Dynasty Biographies of Eminent Monks), and the Daming-Gaosengzhuan (大明高僧傳 The Great Ming Dynasty Biographies of Eminent Monks) which were compiled successively after the Gaosengzhuan. The ten subjects of the Gaosengzhuan underwent change in terms of the subject titles and their meanings in the subsequent versions of the Gaosengzhuan. In the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, Daoxuan (道宣) changed the titles of some subjects and added a new subject, and in the Song-Gaosengzhuan, Zanning (贊寧) gave new meanings to each subject without changing the ten subjects as they appeared in the earlier Xu-Gaosengzhuan. In the Daming-Gaosengzhuan, Ruxing (如惺) retained three of the subjects but removed seven. This evolution of formation and meaning in the ten subjects was the result of the author's deep recognition and also reflections on major changes and transitions in Buddhist history. Edification was emphasized in the Gaosengzhuan, self-discipline in the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, and wisdom and enlightenment were stressed in the Song-Gaosengzhuan. Ruxing showed that the collapse of the ten subjects reflected the decline of Buddhism. The fact that the ten subjects from each Gaosengzhuan were given different meanings demonstrates that these authors recognized Buddhist history differently. Therefore, it can be argued that the processing of Chinese Buddhist history has been reflected through each of their lens. But it is necessary to analyze and compare various aspects of each version of the Gaosengzhuan.