• Title/Summary/Keyword: 부산의 문화재

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Analysis of Human Skeletal Remains of the Joseon Dynasty from Hwamyeong-dong, Busan: A Molecular Genetic Approach (분자유전학적 접근을 통한 조선시대 사람뼈의 분석 - 부산 화명동 조선시대 분묘군 출토 사람뼈를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Sue Hoon;Cho, Eun Min;Kim, Yun-Ji;Choe, Hyeongoo;Kang, Soyeong
    • Journal of Conservation Science
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    • v.34 no.1
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    • pp.1-9
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    • 2018
  • The analysis of ancient DNA extracted from archaeological bones has become an important research tool in palaeogenetics and anthropology. Eight human skeletal remains of the Joseon dynasty, excavated from Hwamyeong-dong, were used in this study. DNA was extracted from bone powder using a silica-based protocol. The isolated DNA was analyzed by the sequencing variation of hyper-variable region of the mitochondrial DNA. In the present study, 3 human remains were identified into mtDNA haplogroups including the A 5a, D4a, and M4"67+16311 groups, using HaploGrep 2 program. The identified haplotypes of the 3 samples have been confirmed that the specimens in the tombs were not related by the maternal line. This is the first analysis of human skeletal remains of the Joseon dynasty excavated in Busan. Date from the analysis of human remains from the Joseon dynasty are considered as the basis for understanding the genetic relationship between modern and ancient humans of the Korean peninsula.

A study on the effect of the motivation of choosing the tourist spots on the image of the tourist spots and the intention of revisiting - Focusing on Gamcheon Culture Village - (관광지 선택 동기가 관광지 이미지, 재방문의도에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 - 감천문화마을을 중심으로 -)

  • Byun, Sang-Woo
    • Management & Information Systems Review
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    • v.34 no.3
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    • pp.197-213
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    • 2015
  • This study is to investigate the effect of the motivation of choosing the tourist spots on the image of the tourist spots and the intention of revisiting targeting the tourists visiting Gamcheon Culture Village. The motivations of choosing the tourist spots, such as experiences, sightseeing, viewing of the cultural events, have a positive (+) effect on the affective image of the tourists. Only sightseeing in the motivations of choosing the tourist spots has a positive (+) effect on the epistemic image of the tourists. With the results of the analyzed effect of the affective image of the tourist spots on the intention of revisiting, it is revealed that the affective image has a significant effect on the intention of revisiting, not the epistemic image. It is suggested that the tourists have a good impression of Gamcheon Culture Village through experiences, sightseeing, viewing of the cultural events. In order for Gamcheon Culture Village to be one of the world-famous tourist spots, many attractions should be provided along with more different experience programs than now, various attractions, alley festivals held throughout the year. With the village developed with the greatest care, the tourists should have the intention of revisiting the village through experiences, sightseeing, viewing of the cultural events with their precious memories, since positive images tourists have tend to be anchored in the affective area rather than in the epistemic one.

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Habitat Quality Analysis and Evaluation of InVEST Model Using QGIS - Conducted in 21 National Parks of Korea - (QGIS를 이용한 InVEST 모델 서식지질 분석 및 평가 - 21개 국립공원을 대상으로 -)

  • Jang, Jung-Eun;Kwon, Hye-Yeon;Shin, Hae-seon;Lee, Sang-Cheol;Yu, Byeong-hyeok;Jang, Jin;Choi, Song-Hyun
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.102-111
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    • 2022
  • Among protected areas, National Parks are rich in biodiversity, and the benefits of ecosystem services provided to human are higher than the others. Ecosystem service evaluation is being used to manage the value of national parks based on objective and scientific data. Ecosystem services are classified into four services: supporting, provisioning, regulating and cultural. The purpose of this study is to evaluate habitat quality among supporting services. Habitat Quality Model of InVEST was used to analyze. The coefficients of sensitivity and habitat initial value were reset by reflecting prior studies and the actual conditions of protected areas. Habitat quality of 21 national parks except Hallasan National Park was analyzed and mapped. The value of habitat quality was evaluated to be between 0 and 1, and the closer it is to 1, the more natural it is. As a result of habitat quality analysis, Seoraksan and Taebaeksan National Parks (0.90), Jirisan and Odaesan National Parks (0.89), and Sobaeksan National Park (0.88) were found to be the highest in the order. As a result of comparing the area and habitat quality of 18 national parks except for coastal-marine national parks, the larger the area, the higher the overall habitat quality. Comparing the value of habitat quality of each zone, the value of habitat quality was high in the order of the park nature preservation zone, the park nature environmental zone, the park cultural heritage zone, and the park village zone. Considering both the analysis of habitat quality and the legal regulations for each zone of use, it is judged that the more artificial acts are restricted, the higher the habitat quality. This study is meaningful in analyzing habitat quality of 21 National Parks by readjusting the parameters according to the situation of protected areas in Korea. It is expected to be easy to intuitively understand through accurate data and mapping, and will be useful in making policy decisions regarding the development and preservation of protected areas in the future.

A study on artificial flowers in the late Joseon Dynasty, focusing on a birthday banquet inBongsudang Hall in 1795 (1795년 봉수당 진찬(奉壽堂進饌)으로 보는 조선 후기 채화(綵花) 고찰)

  • LEE Kyunghee;KIM Youngsun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.182-205
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    • 2023
  • The use of royal artificial flowers was finally found through schematics and records in Wonhaeng Eulmyojeongri Uigwe, which organized the procession to Hwaseong in 1795. The results of classifying the uses of artificial flowers in the brthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall in 1795 and considering the shape, user, and usage are as follows. According to literature records, artificial flowers were made with high-quality materials such as gold, silver, and silk thread in the early period, but were mainly made of paper in the later period. Artificial flowers were used for decorating official hats, Bongsudang Hall, and banquet tables. The Sagwonhwa was used for decoration of the official hats of members of the royal family, and the one on the top was called Eosam-Sagwonhwa. At the birthday banquet inBongsudang Hall, King Jeongjo and Hyegyeonggung used the Eosam-Sagwonhwa and put it on the right side of the official hats. Officials put peach blossom with two petals on the left side of the official hats for decoration. The artificial flowers for decoration of the official hats of musicians and dancers were more expensive and flashier than the officials' ones. Depending on the dance, several artificial flowers were inserted into the official hats. When measuring the size of artificial flowers, the scale used was when making a ceremonial article. For artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet hall, red and white peach blossoms were placed in two jars with dragons painted on them and them placed on two red-painted tables, respectively. The table and jar with flowers were tied together with a red cotton string and fixed so as not to fall over. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung, and the king's sisters were a large lotus, medium-sized lotus, peony, rose, and specially made peach flowers. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of guests and officials were small lotuses and peach blossoms. The artificial flowers used in the birthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall the most were peach blossoms, and peaches had the meaning of longevity and exorcism. It is expected that the above research results will be helpful in understanding the characteristics and usage of artificial flowers in the period of King Jeongjo and use in reproducing royal feasts and producing traditional cultural contents.

Features of the Military Uniforms of the Low-Ranking Soldier Belonging to Jangyongyoung in the King Jeongjo Period Seojangdaeyajodo (정조대 <서장대야조도(西將臺夜操圖)> 장용영(壯勇營) 하급 군사(軍士)의 군복(軍服) 고증)

  • LEE, Kyunghee;KIM, Youngsun;LEE, Eunjoo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.4
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    • pp.90-111
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    • 2021
  • Seojangdaeyajodo is a drawing of Jangyongyoung's military night training on February 12 (lunar leap month), 1795. Focusing on the Seojangdaeyajodo, the positions and roles of the low-ranking soldier belonging to Jangyongyoung, and the composition and characteristics of military uniforms for each role were examined. The results ascertained by the historical research on the military uniforms are as follows. Deungronggun, noeja, sunryeongsu and daegisu who were placed in front of the king's Seojangdae were the low-ranking soldiers belonging to Jangyongyoung. The soldiers who escorted the king around Seojangdae were lowranking soldiers belonging to Jangyongyoung. The military uniform of the deungronggun was consisted of a jeolrip, a black heopsu, red gweja, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon and black shoes. The low-ranking soldier's heopsu suggested that it could also be a sochangui. He carried a sword and a red lantern. Noeja were divided into a sinjeonsu and a jujangsu. The military uniform of the noeja was consisted of a Jujeolrip, a black heopsu, red gweja, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon, and black shoes. Sunryeongsu were divided into a sinsigisu and a younggisu. The military uniform of the sunryeongsu was consisted of a jeongeon, a black heopsu, red gweja, indigo jeondae white haengjeon and black shoes. He carried a sword and a red lantern. The military uniform of the daegisu was consisted of a jeongeon, a black heopsu, blue gweja, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon and black shoes. He carried a sword and a flag. The soldiers surrounding Seojangdae and the seongjeonggun defending the fortress were the Chogun. The military uniform of the chogun was consisted of a jeolrip, a black heopsu, houi, indigo jeondae, white haengjeon and straw shoes. Houi was applying the five directional colors: the east is blue, the west is white, the south is red, and the north is black. He carried a sword and a gun. It was presented as an illustration of costumes that could produce contents by reflecting on these historical results. The basic principle of the illustration was to present the standards for 3D content production or actual production. Samples of form, color, and material according to the times and status were presented. The front, the side, and the back of each costume and the feature were presented, and the colors were presented in RGB and CMYK.

Wise Use through establishing Conservation Area in Nakdong River Estuary (낙동강하구의 보전지역 설정을 통한 현명한 이용방안 모색)

  • Cha, Min-Jun;Kim, Seung-Hwan;Yi, Gi-Chul
    • Journal of Wetlands Research
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.83-94
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    • 2010
  • Purpose of this study is to define the wise use of Nakdong River estuary based on the expert's survey aiming to identify the core conservation area, the buffering area and the transition area of the estuary. The boundary of the each area is determined by overlaying the expert's opinion of the conservation area, the Biotop conservation value evaluation carried out by Busan Metropolitan city and the designated legal boundary of conservation such as Cultural Reserve area and Wetland Reserve area. Then the concept for wise use of the core preservation area, the buffering area and the transition area is set by the discussion, brainstorming and several workshops. We believe this research leads the sustainable development in the area of the Nakdong River estuary and helps to minimize the conflict among the stakeholders.

The Melodic Structure of the Bulmosan Youngsanjae, Ongho-ge (불모산 영산재 범패 옹호게의 선율구조)

  • Choi, Heon
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.383-421
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    • 2017
  • Because the Jitsori and the Hotsori of the Beompae(the Korean Budhhist chant) has no meter and no Jangdan(a Rhythmic cycle of the Korean Music), so it is hard to analyze the melody of the Beompae. Also the melody of the Beompae is different from that of the other Korean traditional music, so studying of the Beompae has been out of the limelight of many scholars, studying the Korean music. But the melody of Beompae had been handed down for thousands of years in Korea, it and other Korean trditional music, had exchanged the impacts each other for a longtime. So I thinks that the Korean Beomapae have shared the similarity of the musical features with the other Korean traditional music. Because the Beompae of the Bulmosan Yeongsanjae on the Geongsangnamdo province has also no meters and no Jangdan, it is difficult to understand, too. But because the Onghoge of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae have a well-regulated melodic structure in comparison with the Beompae of the Seoul province, so called Geongjae Beompae, it seem to be easy to analyze its melody. So I will analyze the melody of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae Onghoge. This analyze should be contribute to investigate the rule of the melodic progress method on the convoluted Beompae melody. Onghoge has been sung on the procedure for Siryeon, Samsiniun(Goebuliun), Jojeonjeoman, Sinjungjakbeop. And the monk for the ritual has sung the chant first to purify the ritual place and to protect the soul. They has called the song, Onghoge a Jitsori at the Bulmosan Yeongsanjae preservation society of the Gyeongnam province. Commonly, there were Jitsori and Hotsori in the Beompae melody, and the melody of Jitsori is longer than that of the Hotsori. So, the melody of Onghoge is lengthened. In other word, the melody of the Onghoge show the lengthened and curved melodic feture of the Beompae very well. Hahn Manyeong, who had studied on the Beompae, Budhhist chant, said that the Hotsori has five letters in a phrase, and there were 4 phrases in a song. And he had insisted that the form of the song, Hotsori, is ABAB. I analyze the melody of the Onghoge by the Hahn's method. I will extract the Wonjeom(a primary tone of a skeletal melodic structure) from the melody of Onghoge, and in the progress of the Wonjeom of Onghoge melodies, I will arrange the repeat of the Wonjeom melody. It is a structural melody of Onghoge. The first phrase of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae Onghoge, 'Pal bu geum gang ho do ryang(八部金剛護道場)' have 4 structural melodies, the second phrase 'Gong sin sog bu bo cheon wang(空神速赴報天王)', the third phrase 'Sam gye je cheon ham le jip(三界諸天咸來集)', the firth phrase 'Yeo geum bul chal bo jeong sang(如今佛刹補禎祥)' have 2 structural melodies each. The structural melodies of Onghoge are 10 in total. And the structural melody of the Onghoge is formed the shape of 'Mi - La - do - La - Mi'. All of the Onghoge melodies is repeated 10 times by the melodic shape. The form of the Onghoge is not ABAB by Hahn, but is 10 times repeat of the shape.

Construction and Analysis of the Database System for the Forest Fire Factors (산불발생인자의 DB 구축 및 해석)

  • Park, Young Ju;Lee, Hae Pyeong;Lee, Si Young;Hwang, Me Jung
    • 한국방재학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 2011.02a
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    • pp.193-193
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    • 2011
  • 본 연구에서는 산불발생인자들에 대한 정보를 각각의 요인별로 집적화하고 체계화시킴으로써 산불예방활동의 기초자료로 활용할 뿐만 아니라 산불발생 시, 산불의 거동을 예측하기 위한 자료로 활용하고자 하였다. 발생인자는 크게 연료 및 기상조건 관련 인자와 열적특성 관련 인자로 분류하고 연료 및 기상조건 관련 인자는 수종별, 부위별, 지역별, 고도별, 월별 산림연료들의 구성 요인들에 대해서 분석하였다. 수종별로는 생강나무, 초피나무, 조록싸리, 산초, 개암, 청미래, 고추나무, 철쭉, 조릿대, 털진달래 등 관목류 10개 수종과 김의털, 방아풀, 주름조개풀, 칡, 엉겅퀴 등 초본류 5개 수종 그리고 소나무, 잣나무, 리기다소나무, 해송, 구상나무, 주목 등 6개의 침엽수 및 굴참나무, 떡갈나무, 신갈나무, 갈참나무, 졸참나무, 상수리, 산개벚나무, 고채목, 개서어나무, 굴거리나무, 서어나무, 산벚나무, 때죽나무, 당단풍나무, 단풍나무 등 15개의 활엽수로 구성된 교목류를 대상으로 분석하였다. 부위별로는 생엽, 낙엽, 가지, 수피, 솔방울 등으로 구분하여 분석을 수행했으며, 지역별 구성은 강원(삼척/태백산), 경북(응봉산), 경기(용문산), 충북(월악산), 충남(계룡산), 전북(덕유산), 전남(월출산), 부산(금정산), 제주(한라산) 등 9개 지역을 대상으로 선정하였다. 고도별로는 강원도에 소재하고 있는 태백산을 중심으로 소나무와 신갈나무 생엽을 대상으로 900m, 1000m, 1100m, 1200m, 1300m, 1400m, 1500m 고도를 선정하여 분석을 수행하였다. 월별 분석데이터는 소나무 생엽의 경우, 2008년 6월부터 2010년 11월까지 매월 분석을 수행하였으며, 굴참나무 생엽의 경우에는 2008년부터 2010년까지 매년 6월부터 10월까지 생엽을 채취할 수 있는 기간 동안 분석을 수행하였다. 또한, 열적특성 관련 인자로는 착화특성(무염착화온도, 발염착화시간, 소염시간, 화염지속시간), 발열특성(총열방출량, 평균열방출률), 발연특성(총연기방출량, 최대연기밀도, 최대밀도시간) 등을 고찰하였다. 이와 같은 결과들은 산불발생인자 DB구축으로 부터 산불발생 위험도 및 동태예측의 기본 자료로 활용할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 지역별 연료별 산림연료의 열적특성 DB로 부터 산불발생시 산불 위험도에 대한 기술정립과 응용성을 향상시킬 수 있을 것으로 사료된다. 이외에도 산림연료 종류별 열적특성을 결과를 토대로 문화재보존지역과 같이 문화적 가치가 높은 시설이나 주유소, 가스 충전소 등의 위험 시설에 대한 효과적인 보호를 위한 대처 방안을 사전에 준비할 수 있어 산불 피해에 대한 국민의 불안감을 줄일 수 있을 것으로 생각된다.

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A Study on the Changes in Gwi-po from Tang to Jin Dynasty in China - Focusing on the connection type of Jwau-dae(左右隊) - (중국 당대~금대 목조 건축의 귀포 변천에 관한 연구 - 좌우대의 결구 유형을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Byung-Chun;Lee, Ho-Yeol
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.3
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    • pp.96-119
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    • 2015
  • This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.

A Study on the Funerary Mean of the Vertical Plate Armour from the 4th Century - Mainly Based on the Burial Patterns Shown by the Ancient Tombs No.164 and No.165 in Bokcheon-dong - (종장판갑(縱長板甲) 부장의 다양성과 의미 - 부산 복천동 164·165호분 출토 자료를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Yu Jin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.178-199
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    • 2011
  • The ancient tombs found in Bokcheon-dong, Busan originate from the time between the $4^{th}$ and $5^{th}$ centuries, the period of the Three Nations. They are known as the tombs where the Vertical Plate Armour was mainly buried. In 2006, two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were additionally investigated in the tombs No.164 and No.165 which had been constructed at the end of the eastern slope near the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong. Throughout this study, the contents of the two units of the Vertical Plate Armour, whose preservation process has been completed, have been arranged, while the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century has been observed through the consideration of the burial pattern. The units of the Vertical Plate Armour from the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be classified as the IIa-typed armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns, according to the attribute of the manufacturing technology. Also, they can be chronologically recorded as those from the early period of Stage II among the three stages regarding the chronological recording of the Vertical Plate Armour. While more than two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried in the largesized tomb on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs, one unit of the Vertical Plate Armour was buried in the small-sized tomb. By considering such a trend, it can be said that in the stage of burying the armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns (I-type and IIa-type), different units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried according to the size of the tomb. However, as the armor showing the Busan pattern (IIb-type) was settled, only one unit was buried. Meanwhile, the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be included in the wooden chamber tomb showing the Gyeongju pattern, which is a slender rectangular wooden chamber tomb with the aspect ratio of more than 1:3. However, according to the trend shown by the buried earthenware, it can be said that there seem to be common types and patterns shared with the earthenware which has been found in the area of Gimhae and is called the one showing the Geumgwan Gaya pattern. In other words, there seem to be close relationships between the subject tombs and the tomb No.3 in Gujeong-dong and the tomb No.55 in Sara-ri, Gyeongju, regarding the types of armor and tombs and the arrangement of buried artifacts. However, the buried earthenware shows a relationship with the areas of Busan and Gimhae. By considering the combined trend of the Gyeongju and Gimhae elements found in one tomb, it is possible to assume that the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong used to be actively related with both areas. It has been thought that the Vertical Plate Armour used to be the exclusive property of the upper hierarchy until now, since it was buried in the large-sized tomb located on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheondong. However, as shown in case of the tombs No.164 and No.165, it has been verified that the Vertical Plate Armour was also buried in the small-sized tomb in terms of such factors as locations, sizes, the amount of buried artifacts and the qualitative aspect. Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the hierarchical characteristic of the tomb just based on the buried units of the Vertical Plate Armour. Also, it is difficult to assume that armor used to symbolize the domination of the military forces. The hierarchical characteristic of the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century can be verified according to the location and size of each tomb. As are sult, the re seem to be some differences regarding the buried units of the vertical plate armour. However, it would be necessary to carry out amore multilateral examination in order to find out whether the burial of the vertical plate armour could be regarded as the artifact which symbolizes the status or class of the deceased.