• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.357-384
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• 2013

In this study I've analyzed the strategy and techniques of the welfare discourses of korean conservative newspapers based on the discourse theory. Emphasizing the political and social characteristics of the discourse, It is investigated the way that the conservative newspapers criticize against assertions for welfare increase and universal welfare and the way that produce social meaning on welfare. The study is focused on the discourse techniques like symmetrical contrasts, making new contexts, and formation of identity. The critical welfare discourses are structured according to symmetrical contrasts of welfare to the rationality, the morality, and the prospects for future. The elements of the discourses are reinforced by one another and were recontextualized to the new stories on welfare. The conservative newspapers had emphasized secession welfare from the politics, solving the problem of inefficiency of welfare administration. Regarding the technique of identification, the newspapers had treated people as owners and victims of welfare on the role of financing welfare expenditure. It is noteworthy the newspapers have began to call people separately according to generations and income class using finance.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.53-70
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• 2004

This study is about family discourses of social workers in Korea. The purpose of this study is to gain suggestions of relatedness between discourse and practice by grasping the contents and meaning of discourses in social workers. 10 social workers in various fields were interviewed for this study. The results are followed: First, social workers understand family as a private space which have a meaning of shelter and refuge. Second, there are gaps between consciousness and practice of division of gender role in family. But social workers generally are inclined toward receiving division of gender role in family and applied to their family practice. Third, monolithic family image have a tendency of versatility in family structure, is inclined toward the division of gender role and myth of motherhood. Fourth, social workers perceived emotional tie as important nature of family solidarity and family as natural institution. Also these discourses of social workers were applied to their family practice. The results of this study reveals possibility that social work practice can be discoursive practice or interpretive practice.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.85-111
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• 2016

This study aims to analyse major changes of Mental Health Promotion and Welfare Service Support Act(MHPWSSA) and critically discuss these changes based on the major discourses on Mental Health Act revision. For this purposes this study reviewed literatures and government reports to understand human rights discourses, welfare discourses, and prevention discourses. Secondly, the major changes of MHPWSSA were analysed and discussed based on those discourses. This study found that MHPWSSA defined the concept of people with mental disorders narrowly, tightened the involuntary admission procedures, introduced welfare service support provisions and mental health promotion provisions. But this study shows that the new legislation may well be criticised due to neglect of the concept of disability and people with psychiatric disability, involuntary admission without mental capacity assessment, neglect of the basic values and principles of self determination and independent living common in welfare of the persons with disability. And the new legislation may be criticised due to overuse of the concept of mental health promotion as encompassing promotion, prevention, treatment and rehabilitation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.4
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• pp.79-101
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• 2015

What is the role of welfare discourse? Michel Foucault suggests the power and knowledge relation that power in a particular society and period controls the society and members by creating knowledge affecting the formation of cognitive and normative systems. Having the formation of exclusions(constraint of cognition), and materiality and reality(normative system) as an analytical framework, this article attempts the exploration of welfare discourse analyses with public statements relating to welfare subjects of the four former Korean presidents. As a result, It is found that dominant epistemic system is formed by balancing welfare and growth and regarding jobs as the best welfare(the linkage of welfare-growth-employment), emphasizing individual economic responsibility and self-reliance, pursuing welfare selectivism, and excluding comprehensive welfare provisions. At the same time, it is observed that power is not always formulating systematic knowledge and that there is a gap between cognition and norm. While the Foucauldian discourse analysis provides a causal inference about low social welfare expenditure, excessive focus on the role of power as knowledge generator and infuser causes a question of how to accommodate contemporary changes into knowledge system.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.1
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• pp.175-197
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• 2017

This study aims to analyze the formation of Korean social welfare delivery system and its pathway, from which the pending issues are to be discussed on the organizations and personnel of the delivery system using the word 'social welfare' with its related discourse. Historical institutionalism is chosen as the perspective to explain path-dependent change and critical juncture, and various legislative data are used as the indicative signals for the discourse of 'social welfare'. The results of the study are as follows. First, the term 'social welfare' began to be institutionalized in Korea by the enactment of Livehood Protection Law(1961). Second, the policies by the year 1987 of expanding social welfare center and introducing social welfare professionals as civil servants form a critical juncture which makes the social welfare discourse realized as the institutional realities. Third, until the year around 2014, the system has not changed in the perspective of macro framework. Fourth, currently the system shows several signs of severe turmoil, which might lead to dismantle the system of 'social welfare' discourse. To conclude, this study shows the possibility of explaining organizations and personnel composing the social welfare delivery system by the usage of discourse analysis, treating it as an analytical entity.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.179-217
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• 2011

This paper discusses the type of discourse associated with mental illness and individuals with mental illness in the context of TV documentary. Discourse is an linguistic product which prescribes and interprets the reality and reconstructs the reality systematically. Therefore, TV documentary contents illuminate the dominant discourse associate with mental illness through the diverse types of representation. We picked four TV documentaries from each public channels and analyzed these documentaries using Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis. Faircough suggests the analysis frame consisting of three level. The analysis reveals that TV documentaries produce the discourse "the Completion of Distinction" associated with mental illness and individuals with mental illness. TV documentaries suggest the reason why we distinct them from us in textual level. In discourse practice level, they suggest the method and the principal agent of distinction. For social practice, TV documentaries reinforce the dual attitude of viewer. Alternative discourse associated with mental illness and individuals with mental illness will be constructed when individuals with mental illness recovers the status of principal agents and produces strong voices about themselves.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.147-165
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• 2008

This Study analysis two features of social citizenship in the period of rights revolution. Discousive arguments are derived from different reinterpretations of social citizenship of Marshall. Some insist that main idea of welfare state is rights of social citizenship and the other insist that social rights is realized after doing duty. Especially the latter emphasis work obligation in which individual responsibility and duty, these discussion underlie wokrfare policy. This reserch examine two contrary discourses based on Marshall's theory, and make a close inquiry into correct interpretation about Marshall. New rights, the Conservative party and New Labour seek for ground on Marshall's citizenship theory, but these are distortion on it. Marshall insisted that citizenship constituted rights and duties but he claimed that discharge of a duty isn't precondition of the exercise of the right.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.3
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• pp.239-260
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• 2011

It is very interesting phenomenon that despite a broad consensus on the need for social worker to take cultural aspects into professional practice, thus to be a culturally competent, a number of materials criticising the concept of cultural competence have emerged in these days simultaneously. The main purpose of the study is to clarify such phenomenon, which means that this article is trying to analyze the contents of such critical discourse on cultural competence and the validity of those contents. The result of the study finds out that most of the arguments can be categorized into three aspects: epistemological, ethical, ontological, and that most of the main ideas of the critical discourses have been borrowed from a branch of critical social work theories, especially highly influenced from Foucault and Derrida. This article argues that critical discourses have some significant problems which make a conflict with traditional values and tenets in social work as a human service profession. First, epistemologically, the critical discourse fails to differentiate the matter of discovery from that of justification, which brings the cultural competence to the brink of agnosticism. Second, ethically, insisting that there should be no foundational criteria for cultural hierarchy in term of rightness or goodness, the critical discourses reveal their intrinsic limitations in solving ethical dilemmas and conflict in real world, which can be considered as a kind of evasion of responsibility in disguise of cultural relativism. Third, in practical vein, critical discourses are largely in effective in specifying the concrete model to realize their own ideas, and furthermore they unintentionally promote context-blind perspectives that eclipses the significance of structural and systematical impacts on the cultural identity.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.265-291
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• 2013

In the context of welfare politics, this study tries to examine how interest groups'policy priorities in the child-care policy of Korea were shaped and changed. Based on the already institutionalized child-care services, each beneficiary group-parents, employer and employee of child care center-has its own preference and perception in child-care policy. Futhermore, this difference has produced conflict of interests in the priority of policy options and brought interest group politics to the realm of child-care policy. With regard to interest group politics, this study firstly examines divergence of beneficiary groups'perception about the child-care policy priorities. Meanwhile, discourse politics should be regarded as another dimension of welfare politics because beneficiaries'perception preference in policy could be sometimes changed and converged by communicative policy discourse. By examining convergent aspects of beneficiary groups'perception about policy priority, this study secondly tries to analyze the discourse politics which has been influenced by the free child-care discourse during 2010-12 election period. To investigate these two dimensions of child-care politics, beneficiary groups'policy priority should be systematically and comprehensively classified and quantified. Using Analysis Hierarchy Process(AHP), this study identifies 11 policy issues and determines different ranking priorities of each beneficiary group.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.