• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.221-244
• /
• 2019

This paper attempts to analyze the role of Nigeria's current President Major (Rtd) Mahammudu Buhari and the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan in dealing with the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has not been without its fair share of conflict. In fact, no decade of post-Independent Nigeria has been conflict free. With several coups, general strikes and a civil war, Nigerians have had to experience some of the most sordid tragedies arising from difference of opinions and distrust. It is interesting to mention that the conflict in Nigeria has not received the needed attention as it were. The leadership of Goodluck Jonathan did not receive the same effort and cooperation as compared to Muhammadu Buhari who came into office in May 2015. This paper argues the important roles played by the two Nigerian leaders which either aided or prevented collaboration. Goodluck Jonathan was perceived as a weak and indecisive leader whose leadership failed to effectively handle the Boko Haram insurgency. Muhammadu Buhari assumed office with a lot of high hopes and expectations from the Nigerian population and the international community to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.185-212
• /
• 2014

This research examines the decentralization of al-Qaida and other Salafi-jihadist terrorist groups, which is a subject of intense debate in the West. Especially, this study focused on investigating the status and evolution of al Qa'ida and other two Salafi-jihadist groups, Boko Haram and the Islamic States. These terrorist groups are currently considered as the most active Salafi-jihadist terrorist groups leading today's decentralization from Al-Qaida central terrorism network. This study also aims to examine the contemporary threats posed by the two extremely violent jihadist terrorist groups and these groups's terrorist networks. In order to achieve the purpose of this study, this study conducted content analyses with a wide range of documents reporting about Salafi-jihadist terrorists groups. Also this study utilized GTD data set drwan from START centner to provide descriptive analyses regarding IS and Boko Haram's activities and threats. On the basis of analyses, this study argues that recently the threats posed by core al Qaida has been severely weakened. Further, the broader Salafi-jihadist movement has become more decentralized among four tiers: first, core al Qaida in Pakistan; second, formal al Qa'ida affiliated groups that have sworn allegiance to core al Qaida; a number of Salafi-jihadist groups that have committed to establishing an extremist Islamic emirate without sworn allegiance to al Qaida; third, individual followers and networks inspired by al Qaida and other Salafi-jihadist groups. In concusion and discussion, this study highlights the need for a long-term engagement counter terrorism strategy against Salifi-jihadist terrorists groups on behalf of the peace and security of the world society.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.2
• /
• pp.155-182
• /
• 2019

This essay examines the relationship between counterterrorism within the Lake Chad Basin Commission hereinafter referred to as LCBC and its effects on leaders' tenure in office. The countries of the LCBC, an intergovernmental institution promoting regional integration in the sub-region, established the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) primarily to maintain peace and security. In April 2012 the mandate of this structure was reinvigorated and broadened to manage the ongoing menace perpetrated by the Islamist terrorist group, Boko Haram in the sub-region. The political consequences, however, has not been identical for leaders of the member states of the LCBC participating in this counterterrorism operation. This essay primarily relies on secondary data derived from available public data sets in explaining this phenomenon. The phenomenon of leaders in Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger and Chad between 2010 and 2018 is used to examine the relationship between counterterrorism in the Lake Chad Basin Commission and its effects on political survival. Results suggest that leaders of highly democratic countries are more likely to lose office and held accountable for either perceived inaction or failure in the counterterrorism operation than their counterparts in autocratic states.