• Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.110-116
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• 2014

Recently the number of the butterflies, Mellicta ambigua, had been decreasing rapidly, and already disappeared at many habitat. In this studies, we investigated ecological environment of Mellicta ambigua for preparing of primary research data recovering habitat, and studied on bionomical characteristics. Two different habitat, Jindo and Inje, were selected for investigation of ecological environment. We investigated four times during 3-month, from June to August in 2012. In Jindo, we observed more than 100 butterflies and a lot of host plants, Melampyrum roseum var. japonicum. But only 5 butterflies and only a few host plants, Veronicastrum sibiricum were observed in Inje. We could not observe the eggs, the larva and pupa on the host plants at all. For finding of bionomical characteritics, we reared butterflies at natural conditions. Collected 3-female butterflies from Jindo laid 465 eggs on the leaves of 3-host plants, Veronicastrum sibiricum. 120 ~ 186 eggs per each female were laid in the shape of cluster. An egg was globular shape, 0.6 mm diameter and 0.7 mm height. The egg periods were $9.96{\pm}0.4days$ after ovipositioning, and the hatchability was 95.% at natural condition. The larval periods were $4.1{\pm}0.6days$ (1st instar), $2.1{\pm}1.0days$ (2nd), $8.1{\pm}0.7days$ (3rd), $239.2{\pm}10.9days$ (4th), $12.3{\pm}1.3days$ (5th), $17.1{\pm}1.1days$ (6th), $10.5{\pm}1.0days$ (7th) each other. The larva of 4th instar overwintered in the nest that had been made into the leaf of host plant with secreted thread as a group until early March next year. In the early March next year, overwintered larva went around their nest in search of host plants, and went to other host plants, Veronica persica and Plantago asiatica, sometimes. The overwintered larva of Mellicta ambigua could grow up on two other host plants normally. In the following experiment, the butterflies of Mellicta ambigua laid eggs on the leaves of Plantago asiatica, but the 1st instar larva from eggs died all. The headwidth of each developmental larval stage were $0.28{\pm}0.02mm$ (1st), $0.45{\pm}0.02mm$ (2nd), $0.58{\pm}0.02mm$ (3rd), $0.75{\pm}0.03mm$ (4th), $0.89{\pm}0.05mm$ (5th), $1.23{\pm}0.06mm$ (6th), $2.13{\pm}0.11mm$ (7th). The pupal ratio was 92.0%. The pupal period were $9.1{\pm}1.6days$, and the emergence rate was 88.6%. As a result we determined that Mellicta ambigua can rear at natural conditions. But indoor-rearing is considered to be difficult and not useful industrially, because they have long term larval stage and only one life cycle per an year.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.389-398
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• 1998

Purpose : To evaluate the role of conventional postoperative adjuvant radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma and to determine favorable prognostic factors affecting survival. Materials and Methods : From Sep. 1985 to Mar. 1997, the number of eligible patients who received postoperative radiotherapy completely was 69. They ranged in age from 7 to 66 years (median, 47). Forty-two (61$\%$) patients were glioblastoma multiforme and the other 27 (39$\%$) were anaplastic astrocytoma. Twenty patients (29$\%$) had Karnofsky score equal or more than 80 preoperatively. Forty-three patients (62$\%$) had symptom duration equal or less than 3 months. Twenty-four patients (35$\%$) had gross total resection and forty patients(58$\%$) had partial resection, the remaining five patients (7$\%$) had biopsy only. Radiotherapy dose ranged from 50.4 Gy to 61.2 Gy (median, 55.8; mode, 59.4) with fraction size of 1 8 Gy-2.0 Gy for 33-83 days(median, 48) except three patients delivered 33, 36, 39 Gr, respectively with fraction size of 3.0 Gy due to poor postoperative performance status. Follow-up rate was 93$\%$ and median follow-up period was 14 months. Results : Overall survival rate at 2 and 3 years and median survival were 38$\%$, 20$\%$, and 16 months for entire patients; 67$\%$, 44$\%$, and 34 months for anaplastic astrocytoma; 18$\%$, 4$\%$, and 14 months for glioblastoma multiforme, respectively (p=0.0001). According to the extent of surgery, 3-year overall survival for gross total resection, partial resection, and biopsy only was 38$\%$, 11$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.02) The 3-year overall survival rates for patients age 40>, 40-59, and 60< were 52$\%$, 8$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.0007). For the variate of performance score 80< vs 80>, the 3-year survival rates were 53$\%$ and 9$\%$, respectively (p=0.008). On multivariate analysis including covariates of three surgical and age subgroups as above, pathology, extent of surgery and age were significant prognostic factors affecting overall survival. On another multivariate analysis with covariates of two surgical (total resection vs others) and two a9e (50> vs 50<) subgroups, then, pathology, extent of surgery and performance status were significant factors instead of age and 3-year cumulative survival rate for the five patients with these three favorable factors was 100$\%$ without serious sequela. Conclusion : We confirmed the role of postoperative conventional radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma by improving survival as compared with historical data of surgery only. Patients with anaplastic astrocytoma, good performance score, gross total resection and/or young age survived longest. Maximum surgical resection with acceptable preservation of neurologic function should be attempted in glioblastoma patients, especially in younger patients. But the survival of most globlastoma patients without favorable factors is still poor, so other active adjuvant treatment modalities should be tried or added rather than conventional radiation treatment alone in this subgroup.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.485-495
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• 1998

Purpose : The major goal of the therapy in the soft tissue sarcoma is to control both local and distant tumor. However, the technique of obtaining local control has changed significantly over the past few decades from more aggressive surgery to combined therapy including conservative surgery and radiation and/or chemotherapy. We retrospectively analyzed the treatment results of the postoperative radiation therapy of soft tissue sarcoma and its prognostic factor. Materials and Methods : Between March 1983 and June 1994, 50 patients with soft tissue sarcoma were treated with surgery and postoperative radiation therapy at Kang-Nam St. Mary's hospital. Complete follow up was possible for all patients with median follow up duration 50 months (range 6-162 months). There were 28 male and 32 female patients. Their age ranged from 6 to 83 with a median of 44 years. Extremity (58$\%$) was the most frequent site of occurrence followed by trunk (20$\%$) and head and neck (12$\%$). Histologically malignant fibrous histiocytoma (23$\%$), liposarcoma (17$\%$), malignant schwannoma (12$\%$) constitute 52$\%$ of the patients. Daily radiation therapy designed to treat all areas at a risk for tumor spread upto dose of 4500-5000 cGy. A shrinking field technique was then used and total 55-65 Gy was delivered to tumor bed. Twenty-five patients (42$\%$) received chemotherapy with various regimen in the postoperative period. Results : Total 41 patients failed either with local recurrence or with distant metastasis. There were 29 patients (48$\%$) of local recurrence. Four patients (7$\%$) developed simultaneous local recurrence and distant metastasis and 8 patients (13$\%$) developed only distant metastasis. Local recurrence rate was rather higher than of other reported series. This study included patients of gross residual, recurrent cases after previous operation, trunk and head and neck Primary This feature is likely explanation for the decreased local control rate. Five of 29 Patients who failed only locally were salvaged by re-excision and/or re-irradiation and remained free of disease. Factors affecting local control include histologic type, grade, stage, extent of operation and surgical margin involvement, lymph node metastasis (p<0.05). All 21 patients who failed distantly are dead with progressive disease at the time of this report. Our overall survival results are similar to those of larger series. Actuarial 5 year overall survival and disease free survival were 60.4 $\%$, 30.6$\%$ respectively. Grade, stage (being close association with grade), residual disease (negative margin, microscopic, gross) were significant as a predictor of survival in our series (p<0.05). Conclusion : Combined surgery and postoperative radiation therapy obtained 5 year survival rate comparable to that of radical surgery.

• Food Science of Animal Resources
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.392-400
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• 2007

This experiment was conducted to evaluate effects of various periods of rye silage feeding on the growth performance, blood characteristics, and carcass quality of finishing pigs. A total of sixteen [($Landrace{\times}Yorkshire{\times}Duroc$)] pigs (90.26 kg in average initial body weight) were tested in individual cages for a 30 day period. Dietary treatments included 1) CON (basal diet), 2) S10 (basal diet for 20 days and 3% rye silage for 10 days) 3) S20 (basal diet for 10 days and 3% rye silage for 20 days) and 4) S30 (3% rye silage for 30 days). There were no significant differences in the ADG and gain/feed ratio among the treatments(p>0.05), however the ADFI was higher in pigs fed the CON diet than with pigs fed diets with rye silage (p<0.05). The DM digestibility was higher with the S20 diet than with the S30 diet (p<0.05). With regard to blood characteristics, pigs fed rye silage had a significantly reduced cortisol concentration compared to pigs fed the CON diet (p<0.05). The backfat thickness was higher with the CON diet than with the S20 or S30 diets (p<0.05). Regarding the fatty acid contents of the leans, the C18:0 and total SFA were significantly higher with the CON diet than with the other diets (p<0.05). However, the C18:1n9, total MUFA and UFA/SFA levels were significantly lower with the CON diet than the other diets (p<0.05). Regarding the fatty acid contents of fat, the levels of C18:1n9 and MUFA were similar with the S20 and S30 diets, however, these levels were higher than with the CON or S10 diets (p<0.05). In conclusion, feed intake and DM digestibility were affected by rye silage, and the cortisol concentration, backfat thickness and fatty acid composition of pork were positively affected by feeding pigs rye silage.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.205-211
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• 2000

This study was conducted to evaluate the residual effects of basic oxygen furnace (BOF) slag applied in rice paddy fields as soil conditioner one year before. The experimental fields of Lim et al. (2000) located in Youjung and Nampyung were used for this purpose. Both variety (Oryza sativa L. cv. Dongjinbyeo) and cultural practices were the same as those in Lim et al. (2000). Soil chemical properties, plant height, number of tillers per plant, yield and yield components were observed. The temporal variation of treatment mean value in soil chemical properties appeared to be similar trends in both Youjung and Nampyung experimental fields. Soil pH and Ca content were still significantly higher than those in control treatment up to July of the second season, but decreased progressively as time passed. However, the effects lasted longer as slag rate became higher. BOF slag seems to have residual effects as a soil conditioner or Ca fertilizer in soil for two years. BOF slag rate of $4Mg\;ha^{-1}$ raised soil pH almost the same as lime rate of $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$. Content of $SiO_2$ in soil applied slag appeared to be higher compared with control. Fe and Mg content in soil with slag treatment was significantly higher than that of control in 1997, but it was almost the same level as that of control in 1998. In YouJung experimental field, rough rice yield of slag teatment became higher as slage rate incresed. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $5,400kg\;ha^{-1}$ among treatment, which was 14% higher than that of control with $4,720kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively higher plant height and higher number of tillers at the early growth stage compared with other treatments. In NamPyung experimental field, rough rice yield was the highest at the plot of lime rate $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$ and became higher as slag rate increased. There were no significant differences in rough rice yield between lime treatment and slag treatments. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $7,170kg\;ha^{-1}$ among slag treatment, which was 8% significantly higher than that of control with $6,670kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively slower growth in plant height at the early growth stage, but superior growth at the later growth stage, and significantly higher number of spiklets per panicle and 1000-grain weight than that of control.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.82-101
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to survey and analyze the origin story and the legends associated with Yongyudam(龍遊潭, Dragon Creek), its scenic and spatial description in Climbing Writings(遊山記: Yusangi Notes), its geographical and geological features, its surrounding remains and letters chiseled on the rocks through the field study and the study on literatures associated with it so to identify its significance and value and then to ensure justification on preservation of Yongyudam scenic site. Conclusions of this study are as follow. As the traditional scenic place 'Geumdae-Jiri(金臺智異)' representing Hamyang-gun(咸陽郡) depicts Mount Cheonwangbong and 'Yongyudong Village(龍遊洞)', ancient maps and literatures have positioned Yongyudam as the center of Eomcheon-river Creek as well as the representing scenic site of Yongyudong Village. Core images in the spatial awareness of Yongyudam described in our ancestors' Climbing Writings Notes on Jirisan Mount are 'geographical and scenic peculiarity associated with swimming dragons', 'potholes in various shapes and sizes scattered on rocks', 'loud sound generated by swirling from shoals' and 'the scenic metaphor from the dragon legend', which have led scenic features of Yongyudam scenic site. In addition, significant scenic metaphors from legends such as 'Nine Dragons and Ascetic Majeog' and 'Kasaya Fish' as well as 'the Holy Place of Dragon God', the rain calling magic god have descended not only as the very nature of Yongyudam scenic site but also the catalyst deepening its mystic and place nature. On the other hand, Jangguso Place(杖?所, Place of Scholars) in the vicinity of Yongyudam was the place of resting and amusement for scholars from Yeongnam Province, to name a few, Kim Il-son, Cho Sik, Jung Yeo-chang and Kang Dae-su, where they experienced and recognized Jirisan Mount as the scenic living place. Letters Carved on the rocks at Jangguso Place are memorial tributes and monumental signs. Around Yongyudam, there are 3 stairs, letters chiseled on the rocks and the water rock artificially built to collect clean water, which are traditional scenic remains detectable of territoriality as the ritual place. In addition, The letters on the rock at Yongyudong-mun(龍遊洞門) discovered for the first time by this study are the sign promoting Yongyudam as the place of splendid landscape. The laconism, 'It is the Greatest Water in Jirisan Mount(方丈第一山水)' on a rock expresses the pride of Yongyudam as the representing scenic place of Mount Jirisan. Other than those, standing rocks such as Simjindae Rock, Yeong-gwidae Rock and Ganghwadae Rock show the sign that they are used as amusement and gathering places for ancestor scholars, which add significance to Yongyudam. By this study, it was possible to verify that Yongyudam in Mount Jirisan is not simply 'the scenic place in the tangible reality' but also has seamlessly inherited as the traditional scenic attraction spiritualized by overlapped historical and cultural values. Yongyudam, as the combined heritage by itself, shows that it is the product of the place nature as well as unique ensemble of cultural scenic attraction inherited through long history based on natural scenery. It is certain that not only the place value but also geographical, geological, historical and cultural values of Yongyudam are the essence of traditional scenic attraction, which should not be disparaged or damaged by whatever political or economic interests and logics.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.160-189
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• 2010

This study has been designed to grasp the present situation, shapes and meaning of the standing stones and rock pillars in the whole area of Noseong Mountain Fortress in Nonsan City which have never been academically reported yet. Accordingly, the research was carried out to grasp the spatial identity of Noseong Mt. and Noseong Mountain Fortress and the dispersion of standing stones scattered around inside and outside Noseong Mountain Fortress, while the shapes and structural characteristics of stones were investigated and analyzed focusing on Chongsuk Temple, which was considered to have the highest density of standing stones and greatest values for preservation as a cultural property. In consideration of the reference to the 'Top Sa' (tower temple) at the 'Bul Woo Jo' (Article about Buddhism Houses) of 'Shinjoong Dongguk Yeoji Seungram', theoretical existence of the temple according to surveying investigation, and the excavation records of roof tile pieces with the name of 'Gwan Eum Temple', it is presumed that there had been a Buddhist sanctum inside the fortress and it could be connected to the carved letters, 'Chongsuk Temple'. According the observation survey, the 6th place of standing stones among many other places inside the fortress shows that Chongsuk Temple appears to have the strong characteristics of artificially constructed space in consideration of the size of trees and stones, the composite trend of tree and stone composition, and trace of the adjacent well and strand and the construction of stairway leading to the stone gate. Along with the constellation of the Big Dipper carved on a rock at the same space, the stones, on which the letters of 'Shinseonam', 'Chilseongam' and 'Daejangam' were carved, including 'Chongsuksa', and the carved statue of Buddha, which was assumed to be Avalokitesvara Guan Yin, have offered clue which make it possible to infer that the space was a space for Chilseong and Mountain god(Folk Belief) that had originated from the combination of Buddhism, Taoism and folk religion. According to the actual measurement of standing stones at Chonsuk Temple, it was identified that there were big differences in height among 24 stones in total, ranging from 402~29cm and the averaged distance between each stone appeared to be 23.6cm. And the shape of stones appeared to be standing or flat, and various stones such as mountain-like stones and Buddha-like stones were placed in a special arrangement or assorted arrangement, but the direction of the stones had a consistency pointing to the west. And comparing to the trace of construction of ZEN Landscape Garden well known in the country, the three flat stones except for the standing and shaped stones appeared to have the shape of meditation statue, which is the typical formational factors of a ZEN Landscape Garden, on the basis of formational technique of stones. Among them, the flat stone facing the Buddhist saint statue, was formed by way of symbolization of three-mountain stone, which was assumed to be an offering stone for sacrificial food rather than carrying out ZEN Meditation. In consideration of the formation of standing stones at Chong-suk Temple, which was carried out in the composite stoning method based using the scalene triangle with ratio of 3:5:7 in order to seek the in-depth beauty based on the stone statues of three Buddhas where the three factors such as heaven, earth and humans are embodied in the elevated or flat formation, the stones at Chongsuk Temple and the space seemed to the trace of contracted garden construction that was formed with stones for a temple, so that could be used for ZEN meditation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.178-199
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• 2011

The ancient tombs found in Bokcheon-dong, Busan originate from the time between the $4^{th}$ and $5^{th}$ centuries, the period of the Three Nations. They are known as the tombs where the Vertical Plate Armour was mainly buried. In 2006, two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were additionally investigated in the tombs No.164 and No.165 which had been constructed at the end of the eastern slope near the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong. Throughout this study, the contents of the two units of the Vertical Plate Armour, whose preservation process has been completed, have been arranged, while the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century has been observed through the consideration of the burial pattern. The units of the Vertical Plate Armour from the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be classified as the IIa-typed armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns, according to the attribute of the manufacturing technology. Also, they can be chronologically recorded as those from the early period of Stage II among the three stages regarding the chronological recording of the Vertical Plate Armour. While more than two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried in the largesized tomb on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs, one unit of the Vertical Plate Armour was buried in the small-sized tomb. By considering such a trend, it can be said that in the stage of burying the armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns (I-type and IIa-type), different units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried according to the size of the tomb. However, as the armor showing the Busan pattern (IIb-type) was settled, only one unit was buried. Meanwhile, the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be included in the wooden chamber tomb showing the Gyeongju pattern, which is a slender rectangular wooden chamber tomb with the aspect ratio of more than 1:3. However, according to the trend shown by the buried earthenware, it can be said that there seem to be common types and patterns shared with the earthenware which has been found in the area of Gimhae and is called the one showing the Geumgwan Gaya pattern. In other words, there seem to be close relationships between the subject tombs and the tomb No.3 in Gujeong-dong and the tomb No.55 in Sara-ri, Gyeongju, regarding the types of armor and tombs and the arrangement of buried artifacts. However, the buried earthenware shows a relationship with the areas of Busan and Gimhae. By considering the combined trend of the Gyeongju and Gimhae elements found in one tomb, it is possible to assume that the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong used to be actively related with both areas. It has been thought that the Vertical Plate Armour used to be the exclusive property of the upper hierarchy until now, since it was buried in the large-sized tomb located on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheondong. However, as shown in case of the tombs No.164 and No.165, it has been verified that the Vertical Plate Armour was also buried in the small-sized tomb in terms of such factors as locations, sizes, the amount of buried artifacts and the qualitative aspect. Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the hierarchical characteristic of the tomb just based on the buried units of the Vertical Plate Armour. Also, it is difficult to assume that armor used to symbolize the domination of the military forces. The hierarchical characteristic of the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century can be verified according to the location and size of each tomb. As are sult, the re seem to be some differences regarding the buried units of the vertical plate armour. However, it would be necessary to carry out amore multilateral examination in order to find out whether the burial of the vertical plate armour could be regarded as the artifact which symbolizes the status or class of the deceased.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.280-291
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• 2019

A. antiquum, first observed in Jeju Samdo Island in 1949, was designated as the Natural Monument No. 18 in December 1962 in recognition of its academic value. In Korea, it grows in nature only in Samdo in Jeju Island. Although its natural habitat was greatly damaged and almost destroyed due to firewood, stealing, etc. After the emancipation, it has been maintained by the transplantation and restoration. The site observed by this study has been managed as a restricted area since 2011. Since it has been about 20 years since the restoration of the native site in the 2000s, it is necessary to check the official management history records, such as the origin of transplantation and restoration to monitor the changes in the growth status and to control the habitat. As the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are no official records of the individuals transplanted to the restored natural habitat of A. antiquum in the 1970s and 1980s, and there was a controversy about the nativeness of those individuals that were restored and transplanted in 1974 since they were Japanese individuals. The studies of identifying native as the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are two sites in natural habitat in Samdo Island. A total of 65 individuals grow in three layers on three stone walls in a site while 29 individuals grow in two columns in the other site. A. antiquum grows in an evergreen broad-leaved forest dominated by Neolitsea sericea, and we did not find any other individuals of naturally growing A. antiquum outside the investigated site. This study checked the distribution of A. antiquum seedlings observed initially after the restoration. There were more than 300 seedling individuals, and we selected three densely populated sites for monitoring. There were 23 A. antiquum seedlings with 4 - 17 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 0.5 - 20 cm in monitoring site 1. There were 88 individuals with 5 - 6 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 1.3 - 10.4 cm in monitoring site 2 while there were 22 individuals with 5 - 9 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 4.5 - 12.1 cm in monitoring site 3. Although the natural habitat of A. antiquum was designated as a restricted public area in 2011, there is a high possibility that the habitat can be damaged because some activities, such as fishing and scuba diving are allowed. Therefore, it is necessary to enforce the law strictly, to provide sufficient education for the preservation of natural treasures, and to present accurate information about cultural assets.