• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.389-398
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• 1998

Purpose : To evaluate the role of conventional postoperative adjuvant radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma and to determine favorable prognostic factors affecting survival. Materials and Methods : From Sep. 1985 to Mar. 1997, the number of eligible patients who received postoperative radiotherapy completely was 69. They ranged in age from 7 to 66 years (median, 47). Forty-two (61$\%$) patients were glioblastoma multiforme and the other 27 (39$\%$) were anaplastic astrocytoma. Twenty patients (29$\%$) had Karnofsky score equal or more than 80 preoperatively. Forty-three patients (62$\%$) had symptom duration equal or less than 3 months. Twenty-four patients (35$\%$) had gross total resection and forty patients(58$\%$) had partial resection, the remaining five patients (7$\%$) had biopsy only. Radiotherapy dose ranged from 50.4 Gy to 61.2 Gy (median, 55.8; mode, 59.4) with fraction size of 1 8 Gy-2.0 Gy for 33-83 days(median, 48) except three patients delivered 33, 36, 39 Gr, respectively with fraction size of 3.0 Gy due to poor postoperative performance status. Follow-up rate was 93$\%$ and median follow-up period was 14 months. Results : Overall survival rate at 2 and 3 years and median survival were 38$\%$, 20$\%$, and 16 months for entire patients; 67$\%$, 44$\%$, and 34 months for anaplastic astrocytoma; 18$\%$, 4$\%$, and 14 months for glioblastoma multiforme, respectively (p=0.0001). According to the extent of surgery, 3-year overall survival for gross total resection, partial resection, and biopsy only was 38$\%$, 11$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.02) The 3-year overall survival rates for patients age 40>, 40-59, and 60< were 52$\%$, 8$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.0007). For the variate of performance score 80< vs 80>, the 3-year survival rates were 53$\%$ and 9$\%$, respectively (p=0.008). On multivariate analysis including covariates of three surgical and age subgroups as above, pathology, extent of surgery and age were significant prognostic factors affecting overall survival. On another multivariate analysis with covariates of two surgical (total resection vs others) and two a9e (50> vs 50<) subgroups, then, pathology, extent of surgery and performance status were significant factors instead of age and 3-year cumulative survival rate for the five patients with these three favorable factors was 100$\%$ without serious sequela. Conclusion : We confirmed the role of postoperative conventional radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma by improving survival as compared with historical data of surgery only. Patients with anaplastic astrocytoma, good performance score, gross total resection and/or young age survived longest. Maximum surgical resection with acceptable preservation of neurologic function should be attempted in glioblastoma patients, especially in younger patients. But the survival of most globlastoma patients without favorable factors is still poor, so other active adjuvant treatment modalities should be tried or added rather than conventional radiation treatment alone in this subgroup.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.178-199
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• 2011

The ancient tombs found in Bokcheon-dong, Busan originate from the time between the $4^{th}$ and $5^{th}$ centuries, the period of the Three Nations. They are known as the tombs where the Vertical Plate Armour was mainly buried. In 2006, two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were additionally investigated in the tombs No.164 and No.165 which had been constructed at the end of the eastern slope near the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong. Throughout this study, the contents of the two units of the Vertical Plate Armour, whose preservation process has been completed, have been arranged, while the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century has been observed through the consideration of the burial pattern. The units of the Vertical Plate Armour from the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be classified as the IIa-typed armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns, according to the attribute of the manufacturing technology. Also, they can be chronologically recorded as those from the early period of Stage II among the three stages regarding the chronological recording of the Vertical Plate Armour. While more than two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried in the largesized tomb on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs, one unit of the Vertical Plate Armour was buried in the small-sized tomb. By considering such a trend, it can be said that in the stage of burying the armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns (I-type and IIa-type), different units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried according to the size of the tomb. However, as the armor showing the Busan pattern (IIb-type) was settled, only one unit was buried. Meanwhile, the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be included in the wooden chamber tomb showing the Gyeongju pattern, which is a slender rectangular wooden chamber tomb with the aspect ratio of more than 1:3. However, according to the trend shown by the buried earthenware, it can be said that there seem to be common types and patterns shared with the earthenware which has been found in the area of Gimhae and is called the one showing the Geumgwan Gaya pattern. In other words, there seem to be close relationships between the subject tombs and the tomb No.3 in Gujeong-dong and the tomb No.55 in Sara-ri, Gyeongju, regarding the types of armor and tombs and the arrangement of buried artifacts. However, the buried earthenware shows a relationship with the areas of Busan and Gimhae. By considering the combined trend of the Gyeongju and Gimhae elements found in one tomb, it is possible to assume that the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong used to be actively related with both areas. It has been thought that the Vertical Plate Armour used to be the exclusive property of the upper hierarchy until now, since it was buried in the large-sized tomb located on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheondong. However, as shown in case of the tombs No.164 and No.165, it has been verified that the Vertical Plate Armour was also buried in the small-sized tomb in terms of such factors as locations, sizes, the amount of buried artifacts and the qualitative aspect. Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the hierarchical characteristic of the tomb just based on the buried units of the Vertical Plate Armour. Also, it is difficult to assume that armor used to symbolize the domination of the military forces. The hierarchical characteristic of the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century can be verified according to the location and size of each tomb. As are sult, the re seem to be some differences regarding the buried units of the vertical plate armour. However, it would be necessary to carry out amore multilateral examination in order to find out whether the burial of the vertical plate armour could be regarded as the artifact which symbolizes the status or class of the deceased.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.97-114
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• 1977

The fresh water prawn, Macrobrachium rosenbergi(de Man) is a very common species in Indopacific region, which inhaits both fresh and brackish water in low land area, most of rivers and especially aboundant in the lower reaches which are influenced by sea water. It is one of the largest and commercial species of genus Macrobrachium, which is commonly larger than $18\~21cm$ in body length, from the basis of eye-stalked to the distal of telson. As a part of the researches in order to investigate the possibilities on transplantation and propagation of this species, this work dealt with the problems on the effects of chlorinities upon zoeal larvae and post-larvae 1). metamorphosis rate and optimum chlorinity for metamorphosis to post-larve, 2). tolerance and comparative survival rate on various chlorinties, from fresh water to sea water $(19.38\%_{\circ}\;Cl)$, which reared for six days upon each stage of zoeal larvae, 3). accomodation rate on chlonities which reared for twelve days after transmigration into variant chlorinities of the range from $3.68\%_{\circ}$ Cl to $1.53\%_{\circ}$ Cl in the way of rearing of the range from $3.82\%_{\circ}$ Cl to $11.05\%_{\circ}$ upon each stage of zoea, 4). tolerance on both of fresh and sea water upon zoeal larva and post-larva under the condition of $28^{\circ}C{\pm}1$ in temperature and feeding on Artenia salina nauplii, 5). relationship between various chlorinities and grwth of post-larvae under the condition of $28^{\circ}C$ in tmperature and feeding on meat of clam. Thus these investigations were performed in order to grope for a comfortable method on seedmass production. Up to the present, the study on the effects of chlorinity upon earlier zoeal larvae and post-larvae of Macrobrachium species has been scarcely performed by workers with the exception of Lewis(1961) and Ling (1962,, 1967), even so their works were not so detailed. On the other hand, larvae of several species of this genus were reared at the water which mixed sea water so as to carry out complete metamorphosis to post-larva by workers in order to investigate on earlier 1 arval and earlier post-larval development, such as Macrobrachium lamerrei (Rajyalakshmi, 1961), M. rosenbergi and M. nipponense (Uno and Kwoa, 1969; Kwon and Uno, 1969), M. acanthurs (Choudhury, 1970; Dobkin, 1971), M. carcinus(Choudhury, 1970), M. formosense(Shokita, 1970), M. olfersii (Duggei et al., 1975), M. novaehallandiae (Greenwood et al., 1976), M. japonicum (Kwon, 1974) and M. lar (Shokita, personal communication), and there fore it is regarded that chlorinity is, generally, one of absolute factors to rear zoeal larvae of brackish species of Macrobrachium genus. Synthetic results on this work is summarized as the follwings: 1) Zoeal larvae required different chlorinities to grow according to each stage, and generally, it is regarded that optimum range of living and growing is from $7.63\%_{\circ}Cl\to\;7.63\%_{\circ}Cl$, and while differences of metamorphsis rate, from first zoea to post-larva, is rarely found in this range, and however it occurs apparently in both of situation at $7.63\%_{\circ}Cl$ below and $16.63\%_{\circ}Cl$ above and moreover, metamorphosis rate is delayed somewhat in case of lower chlorinity as compared with high chlorinity in these situations. 2) Accomodation in each chlorinity on the range, from fresh water to sea water, is different according to larval stages and while the best of it is, generally, on the range from $14.24\%_{\circ}Cl$ to $8.28\%_{\circ}Cl$ and favorite chlorinity of zoea have a tendency to remove from high chlorinity to lower chlorinity in order to advance larval age throughout all zoeal stages, setting a conversional stage for eighta zoea stage. 3) Optimum chlorinity of living and growth upon postlarvae is on the range of $4.25\%_{\circ}Cl$ below, and in proportion as approach to fresh water, growth rate is increased. 4) Post-large are able to live better in fresh water in comparison with zoeal larvae, which are only able to live within fifteen hours, and by contraries, post-larvae are merely able to live for one day as compared with ?미 larvar, which are able to live for six days more in sea water $19.38\%_{\circ}Cl\;above$. 5) Also, in case of transmigration into higher and lower chlorinities in the way of rearing in the initial chlorinities $ 3.82\%_{\circ}Cl,\;7.14%_{\circ}Cl\;and\;11.05%_{\circ}Cl$, accoodation rate is a follow: accomodation capacity in ease of removing into higher chlorinities from lower chlorinities is increased in proportion as earlier stages, setting a conversional stage for eighth zoea stage, and by contraries, in case of advanced stages from eighth zoea it is incraesed in proportion as approach to post-larva stage in the case of transmigration into lower chlorinity from higher chlorinity. On the other hand, it is interesting that in case of reciprocal transmigration between two different chlorinitiess, each survival rate is different, and in this case, also, its accomodation in each zoea stage has a tendency to vary according to larval stages as described above, setting a conversional stage for eighth zoea stage. 6) It is likely that expension of radish pigments on body surface is directly proportional to chlorinity during the period of zoea rearing, and therefore it seems like all body surfacts of zoea larvae be radish coloured in case of higher chlorinity. 7) By the differences that each zoeal larvae, postlarvae, juvaniles and adult prawn are required different chlorinity for inhabiting in each, it is regarded that this species migrats from up steam to near the estuary of the river which the prawns inhabits commonly in natural field for spawning and growth migration. 8) It had better maintainning chlorinities according to zoeal stage for a comfortable method on seed-mass production that earlier larva stages than eighth zoea are maintained on the range from $8\%_{\circ}Cl\;to\;12\%_{\circ}Cl$ to rear, and later larva stages than eighth zoea, by contraries, are gradually regula ted-to love chlorininity of the range from $7\%_{\circ}Cl\;to\;4\%_{\circ}Cl$ according to advance for post-larva stage.