• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.91
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• pp.6-9
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• 1991

실패로 끝난 보수세력의 쿠데타로 소련은 페레스트로이카 이후 다시 한번 세계 뉴스의 초점이 됐다. 고르바초프가 단행한 일련의 개혁정책은 국내 출판계에도 영향을 미쳐 한동안 관련도서가 붐을 이룬 바 있고, 이번 사태를 계기로 또 한차례 소련열풍이 불어닥칠 전망이다. 그러나 최근 서점의 점두를 장식하고 있는 소련관련도서들은 대부분 고르바초프와 옐친이라는 두 지도자에 집중되고 있어 소련사회에 대한 심도있는 이해를 돕는 데는 미진한 감이 없지 않다. 다음에 그동안 출간된 소련관련도서들을 총망라해 각 분야별로 중요저작을 간략한 해제와 함께 소개함으로써 소련에 관한 총체적 이해를 돕고자 한다. 페레스트로이카 관련도서는 목록만 소개한다. 관심있는 독자는 본지 제56호에 게재된 "소련이해의 신사고를 이끈다"를 참고하기 바란다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.63-82
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• 2011

한국사회 이념갈등을 다룬 대부분의 연구들은 이념갈등의 본질은 대북문제에 있으며, 이를 제외한 다른 정치사회적 이슈들에 대해서는 진보와 보수 간의 유의미한 차이가 없다고 밝히고 있다. 그러나 우리사회 현실을 볼 때 진보와 보수세력은 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 등의 대부분의 이슈에 이해 첨예한 대립 관계를 형성하고 있다. 본 연구는 이에 대한 해답을 찾고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 이념측정의 방법과 분석틀에 있어 새로운 방법론을 제시한다. 우선 본 연구에서는 자기평가적 주관적 이념성향 대신 인간의 본성과 도덕성에 대한 태도, 사회개혁과 사회권위에 대한 입장 등으로 구성된 이념성향을 측정하였다. 또한 정책에 대한 입장이 개인의 이념성향을 결정하는 것이 아니라, 이념성향이 먼저 결정되며, 거기에 따라 정책에 대한 개인의 인식이나 입장이 나타나는 것이 논리적으로 타당하다고 본다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.63-91
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to investigate the gender discourse of Korean newspapers. For this, the study analyzes the frames of frames of crime news on Chosun Daily and Hangyurae Newspaper for 2 years. The data are collected using KINDS, and include 265 crime articles involving woman. According to the results of this research, the episodic frames are used in the most of crime news. The five frame devices are founded in the episodic frame articles; the male subjectivity and the female objectivity, the male-oriented perspectives which reporters have, the abused sexual details and sensationalism, the emphasis of women body's fragility which imply woman's unavoidability as victims, and finally, blaming women who are victims of crimes. And in the articles of thematic frames, the similar frame devices are found. In particular, they only emphasize the problem of crime and fail to suggest a concrete resolution. Finally, the study discusses the findings relating to the patriarchal news making convention and the commercialism of newspaper industry. The two newspapers have been pursuing quite different political lines in Korean society. It is generally considered that Hangyurae newspaper is progressive and Chosun Daily is conservative. However, this study reveals that the way dealt with women in the crime news are not different. It is concluded that Korean newspapers still produce the gender discourse based on male-centric perspective and patriarchal ideology.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-30
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• 2017

The conspiracy theories of political events are occurring in every country and society. In Korean society, conspiracy theories about political events are constantly happening. Conspiracy refers to the phenomenon of a particular individual or group who oppose the official causes of social phenomena. Conspiracy is a resistance to the credibility of the state and the government. In Korean society, conspiracy occurs mainly in political events. The conspiracy theories of political events appear in the form of conservatism and progressivism, which seeks to replace political power and political power to stabilize political power. The conspiracy theory about Jang Jun-Ha's death occurred in the process of seeking justification for a person who is resisting the ruling forces. Also, the conspiracy theory of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Cheonan Warship Sinking may be a drag on the justification for the justification for the takeover of the new military government and the justification for the Disconnection of inter-Korean relations. In Korean politics, Conspiracy theory is a factor that confuses Korean society regardless of whether it is true or not.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.481-507
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• 2017

The petition movement to Paris peace conference was the movement for 137 Neo-Confucian scholars including Kwak Jong-seok to ask for Korean independence in March, 1919. Kim Bok-han had led all the course of Ho-seo version. Although we don't know the exact contents on the both of Yeong-nam and Ho-seo versions, but Ho-seo version might be more conservative than Yeong-nam version in comparison with other versions. This was because Ho-seo version basically represented the conservative stance of the Neo-Confucian scholars in Ho-seo (Southern Chung-cheong province). However although Ho-seo version had conservative characteristic, the projecting and practicing of petition movement to Paris peace conference shows Kim Bok-han's active attitude. What I would like to explain in this paper is the background of how spontaneously Kim led the movement. Especially I tried to make Kim's historical status be revealed through talking the idealogical history of Neo-Confucianism ignored until now. Although Kim received blames he behaved with barbarians when he led the petition movement from the conservatives, Kim never submitted on those blames. Kim's tolerant attitude was prominent in relation with Hwa-seo school against which Nam-dang school(Kim's party) was a rival, especially from also after 'the problem of Choe Ik-hyeon' in 1903. This attitude was connected to the petition movement in tolerant manner. The tolerant attitude like this was revealed from Kim's historical consciousness attached importance to 'the completion of work'.

• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.81-93
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• 2016

This study was aimed to analyze experiences of conflicts that women confront by participating in a conservative sport, baseball, and to figure out how they cope with these conflicts. In this respect, in-depth interviews were performed targeting 18 women who have been participating in a team registered in Women's Baseball Association for more than 1 year. Interview data went through classification of meaning and an analysis process of conceptualization and led to the following conclusion. First, the women's conflicts from their participation in baseball activities were revealed as the conflict between workplace and leisure activity, the conflict between significant others and leisure activity(objection by family and severance of interpersonal relations), and the conflict between sociocultural prejudice and leisure activity. Second, female baseball participants' strategies to cope with conflict situations were classified as making a group of supporters by persuasion and negotiation, active strategies(my own way and priority of life), and evasive measure(telling lies and avoidance of conflicts).

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.113-165
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• 2005

The research focused on the return of class analysis of the media soctor. It is told that class is a determining factor of media industry. This article is divided in to four sections that represent class analysis of media. In this study, I claimed that class analysis is necessary of understanding the nature of media industrial capital and its nature. With their domination of the media, big corporations seek to control political power and information. This article has demonstrated that the media power of corporations should be curved.