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From the Shintong of the Buddha to the Shini of Eminent Monks (붓다의 신통에서 고승의 신이로)

  • Jung, Chun-koo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.39
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    • pp.215-247
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    • 2021
  • In Buddhism, there are specific terms related to miracles and miraculous acts such as the Sanskrit term, abhijñā, which was translated as into Chinese characters as shintong (神通). This term implies the six supranormal powers. It originally meant 'direct knowledge,' 'high knowledge,' or 'knowledge beyond the common senses,' which was understood as a superhuman and transcendental ability possessed by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and noblemen. However, this took on different meanings and morphed into different terms later in India and China. This article analyzes the subject, object, type, and purpose of these shintong, focusing on the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti (堅固經, Gyeonggo-gyeong, Kaivarti-sūtra) from the Longer Discourses (長阿含經, Jang-Ahamgyeong, Dīrghâgama) and exemplary Buddhist texts such as the Sanskrit, In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha (佛所行讚, Bulsohaengchan, Buddhacaritam) and the Chinese Records of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, goseungjeon) and Continued Records of Eminent Monks (續高僧傳, Sok-goseungjeon). The historical evolution and changes to the meaning of Shintong in Indian and Chinese contexts can be observed through these texts. In the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti, the Buddha said that there are three kinds of Shintong: supranormal footedness (神足, shinjok, ṛddhi-pāda), mindreading (觀察他心, gwanchaltashim, anya-mano-jñāna), and education (敎誡, gyogye, anuśāsana). Among them, supranormal footedness (multiplying one's body, teleportation, flying, walking on water, etc.) and mindreading were denied because, at that time, claims of this nature were used to appeal to people's emotions and inspire sincerity, but this was of no use in conveying the Buddha's teaching. On the other hand, education, acquired only with through enlightenment, was sanctioned as a shintong unique to Buddhism. However, in In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha, supranormal footedness and mindreading were described as important ways to lead people to enlightenment, while education pertained to the whole of spiritual work. In China, Buddhism was a foreign religion at first, and it urgently sought to be accepted. After the increase of its religious influence, introspection on discipline and practice was meant to firmly deepen its roots. In line with this, shintong and miracles were transformed and expanded to suit the Chinese cultural context. Such changes in Buddhist history are well illustrated by the shini (神異, miraculous powers) described in Records of Eminent Monks and the gamtong (感通, penetration of sensitivity) detailed in Continued Records of Eminent Monks. In Records of Eminent Monks, the subject of shini was that of eminent monks and its objects were those who did not know of Buddhism or believe in it. In Continued Records of Eminent Monks, however, the monks themselves could be objects of shini. The change of object suggests that the purpose had shifted from edification to awareness and self-reflection. Shini focused on edification, whereas gamtong re-emphasized the importance of the pure discipline and practice of monks during the 6th and 7th centuries when China became predominantly Buddhist.

A Study on the Dao of Buddhism in Daesoon Thought (대순사상의 불도관 연구)

  • Kim, Gui-man;Lee, Gyung-won
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.29
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    • pp.101-140
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    • 2017
  • Currently, the whole world is being swept away by spiritual movements. Since the Three Kingdoms periods, Korea has been under the influence of "The Three Teachings". But during the modern times, the word "The Three Daos" began to be widely used alongside the expression "The Three Teachings" within various circles of New Korean Religions. Regarding this, Daesoon Thought is particularly noteworthy due to its description of the religious realm spoken of as "Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism" and the figurehead of that realm, the "Gwan-wang (Crowned King)". This study suggests that there should be a distinction noting the differences between "The Three Teachings" and "The Three Daos" in order to understand the status of the "Gwan-wang" in Daesoon Thought and to facilitate the study Buddhism as both a religion and a religious principle within the context of "The Gwan-wang of the Three Daos". Chapter II, details the conceptions of "Dao" and "Teaching" in the Eastern tradition and "Religion" in the Western tradition. This chapter includes a discussion of how the word "The Three Daos" could be approached as a "Theory of the Three Daos" that explains the religions of the East and the West through comprehensive principles. Chapter III goes through descriptions in the Jeon-gyeong of Buddhistic faiths, doctrines, monks, and temples to discover the meaning of the Dao of Buddhism and Buddhist culture as contained in the Jeon-gyeong. In chapter IV, the Buddhistic characteristics of Daesoon Thought is clarified in three ways: the Dao of Buddhism as the "substance of form", oneness as "growth and nurturing", and "Jinmuk" as the leader of the Dao of Buddhism. From this discussion, it is shown that research on the Dao of Buddhism in Daesoon Thought is a crucial avenue for understanding the identity of Daesoon Thought. In other words, the status of Daesoon Thought is not irrelevant to the Dao of Buddhism or to Buddhism proper, but Daesoon Thought should instead be understood as pursuing the state of Gwan-wang (Crowned King), which has the Dao of Buddhism as an axis characterized as "the substance of form" or as "growth and nurturing". Also, it provides a comprehensive view by which the various aspects of Buddhism as a modern day religious phenomenon of can be understood under the principle of the Dao of Buddhism.

Indigenous psychological analysis of elderly parents care among adolescents and their parents (청소년과 부모 세대의 노부모 부양인식에 대한 토착심리 탐구)

  • Young-Shin Park;Young-Ja Park;In-Soon Nam
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.23 no.3
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    • pp.409-449
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    • 2017
  • The main purpose of this research is to investigate the qualitative nature of Korean adolescents and their parent's perception of elderly parents care. In addition, this research exams the quantitative differences between the two generations in term of their elderly parents care self-efficacy and attitude towards caring for their elderly parents. Further, an examination of the parental influence upon their children's elderly parents care self-efficacy and attitude towards caring for their elderly parents. There were 2,460 participants in this study, with 820 adolescents, and 820 fathers and 820 mothers. The results of the study were as follows: First, in terms the participants perceptions of "the most difficult aspect of caring for elderly parents", the most representative response for adolescents was financial difficulties, while for parents differences in opinions. When it came to "the best aspect of caring for elderly parents" the most representative response for adolescents was harmonious family, while for parents good for children's upbringing. When it came to "actual acts (behavior) of elderly parents care" the most representative response for adolescents was living together with their elderly parents, while for parents looking after their elderly parents. When it came to "the best method of caring for their elderly parents" the most representative response for both adolescents and parents was providing a peace-of-mind for their elderly parents, followed by the second most frequent response of adolescents living together with their elderly parents, and for parents talking with their elderly parents. When it came to "how one feels when not caring for their elderly parents" the most representative response for both groups was a feeling of indebtedness. Second, for the quantitative analyses of the differences between the two generations, the parents showed a lower level of elderly parents care self-efficacy and a higher level of negative attitude towards caring for their elderly parents, when compared to the adolescents. Third, for the parental influence upon the adolescents' elderly parents care self-efficacy and attitude towards caring for their elderly parents, the only significant influence found was the mothers' elderly parents care self-efficacy.

Dispersion of Standing Stones at Noseongsan(Mt.Noseong) and Aspect of the Stone Decorated Garden(Soo-suk Jeongwon) at Chongsuk-Sa(Chongsuk Buddhist Temple) in Nonsan City (논산 노성산(魯城山)의 입석(立石) 분포와 총석사(叢石寺) 수석(樹石)의 정원적 면모)

  • Rho, Jae Hyun;Huh, Joon;Jang, Il Young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.1
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    • pp.160-189
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    • 2010
  • This study has been designed to grasp the present situation, shapes and meaning of the standing stones and rock pillars in the whole area of Noseong Mountain Fortress in Nonsan City which have never been academically reported yet. Accordingly, the research was carried out to grasp the spatial identity of Noseong Mt. and Noseong Mountain Fortress and the dispersion of standing stones scattered around inside and outside Noseong Mountain Fortress, while the shapes and structural characteristics of stones were investigated and analyzed focusing on Chongsuk Temple, which was considered to have the highest density of standing stones and greatest values for preservation as a cultural property. In consideration of the reference to the 'Top Sa' (tower temple) at the 'Bul Woo Jo' (Article about Buddhism Houses) of 'Shinjoong Dongguk Yeoji Seungram', theoretical existence of the temple according to surveying investigation, and the excavation records of roof tile pieces with the name of 'Gwan Eum Temple', it is presumed that there had been a Buddhist sanctum inside the fortress and it could be connected to the carved letters, 'Chongsuk Temple'. According the observation survey, the 6th place of standing stones among many other places inside the fortress shows that Chongsuk Temple appears to have the strong characteristics of artificially constructed space in consideration of the size of trees and stones, the composite trend of tree and stone composition, and trace of the adjacent well and strand and the construction of stairway leading to the stone gate. Along with the constellation of the Big Dipper carved on a rock at the same space, the stones, on which the letters of 'Shinseonam', 'Chilseongam' and 'Daejangam' were carved, including 'Chongsuksa', and the carved statue of Buddha, which was assumed to be Avalokitesvara Guan Yin, have offered clue which make it possible to infer that the space was a space for Chilseong and Mountain god(Folk Belief) that had originated from the combination of Buddhism, Taoism and folk religion. According to the actual measurement of standing stones at Chonsuk Temple, it was identified that there were big differences in height among 24 stones in total, ranging from 402~29cm and the averaged distance between each stone appeared to be 23.6cm. And the shape of stones appeared to be standing or flat, and various stones such as mountain-like stones and Buddha-like stones were placed in a special arrangement or assorted arrangement, but the direction of the stones had a consistency pointing to the west. And comparing to the trace of construction of ZEN Landscape Garden well known in the country, the three flat stones except for the standing and shaped stones appeared to have the shape of meditation statue, which is the typical formational factors of a ZEN Landscape Garden, on the basis of formational technique of stones. Among them, the flat stone facing the Buddhist saint statue, was formed by way of symbolization of three-mountain stone, which was assumed to be an offering stone for sacrificial food rather than carrying out ZEN Meditation. In consideration of the formation of standing stones at Chong-suk Temple, which was carried out in the composite stoning method based using the scalene triangle with ratio of 3:5:7 in order to seek the in-depth beauty based on the stone statues of three Buddhas where the three factors such as heaven, earth and humans are embodied in the elevated or flat formation, the stones at Chongsuk Temple and the space seemed to the trace of contracted garden construction that was formed with stones for a temple, so that could be used for ZEN meditation.

Expression and Deployment of Folk Taoism(民間道敎) in the late of Chosŏn Dynasty (조선 후기 민간도교의 발현과 전개 - 조선후기 관제신앙, 선음즐교, 무상단 -)

  • Kim, Youn-Gyeong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.35
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    • pp.309-334
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    • 2012
  • This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.