• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.470-476
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to investigate and evaluate the safety of the grains, nut products, beans and oilseeds being sold in Gyeonggi province by analyzing mycotoxins. A multi-mycotoxins analysis method based on LC-MS/MS was validated and applied for the determination of eight mycotoxins, including aflatoxins ($B_1$, $B_2$, $G_1$ and $G_2$), fumonisins ($B_1$, $B_2$), zearalenone and ochratoxcin A in 134 samples. The limit of detection (LOD) and limit of quantitation (LOQ) for the eight mycotoxins ranged from 0.14 to $8.25{\mu}g/kg$ and from 1.08 to $7.21{\mu}g/kg$, respectively. Recovery rates of mycotoxins were determined in the range of 61.1 to 97.5% with RSD of 1.0~14.5% (n=3). Fumonisin $B_1$, $B_2$, zearalenone, and ochratoxin A were detected in 22 samples, indicating that 27% of grains, 12.5% of beans and 11.8% of oilseeds were contaminated. Fumonisin and zearalenone were detected simultaneously in 2 adlays and 3 sorghums. Fumonisin $B_1$ and $B_2$ were detected simultaneously in most samples whereas fumonisin $B_1$ was detected in 1 adlay, 1 millet and 1 sesame sample. The average detected amount of fumonisin was $49.3{\mu}g/kg$ and $10.1{\mu}g/kg$ for grains and oilseeds, respectively. The average detected amount of zearalenone was $1.9{\mu}g/kg$ and $1.5{\mu}g/kg$ for grains and beans, respectively. In addition, the average amount of ochratoxin A was $0.08{\mu}g/kg$ for grains. The calculated exposure amounts of fumonisin, zeralenone and ochratoxin A for grains, beans and oilseeds were below the PMTDI/PTWI.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.241-253
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• 2003

Changes in chemical, microbiological quality of pan fried oak mushroom and meat, soy sauce glazed hair tail and roasted dodok in wrap packaging, top sealing, vacuum packaging were evaluated during storage 25$^{\circ}C$, 4$^{\circ}C$, -18$^{\circ}C$ for 5 days. The results were as follows: 1) The cases of chilled and frozen storage, there were small increases in the pH from the first day, with no differences between the different packaging methods, with the exception of the vacuum packaging, which was lower. The pH and Aw of the roasted dodok were lower than those of the other foods. The Aw for all three foods at room temperature significantly decreased in the wrap packaging and top sealing on day one, but the rate of reduction was lower when in chilled storage. The VBN increased with increasing length of storage, and temperatures, but the rate of increase was lower in the top sealing and vacuum packaging. The VBN of roasted dodok was considerably lower than with the other foods. The POV increased significantly on the first day or room temperature storage and the rate or increase was low in chilled End frozen storages, and in the vacuum packaging. 2) SPC of the roasted dodok at room temperature increased significantly within five days of storage. but was inhibited within five days in the vacuum packaging with chilled storage. The SPC of the soy sauce glazed hair tail was low in the top sealing and vacuum packaging when in chilled storage. The coliform of the pan fried oak mushroom and meat. on the fifth day of room temperature storage, was close to hazardous conditions for the wrap packaging. From the third day of chilled storage, few coliform were detected in the pan fried oak mushroom and meat, or the soy sauce glazed hair tail, but not in the vacuum packaging, within five days, for all three foods in frozen storage. The S. spp. had exceeded the standard in the wrap packaging and top sealing with the pan fried oak mushroom and meat on the third day at room temperature, but was not detected in the vacuum packaging within five days, and exceeded the standard in the wrap packaging on the fifth day of chilled storage. S. spp. was not detected in the soy sauce glazed hair tail within five days at all storage temperatures. S. spp. was not detected in the roasted dodok within five days of chilled and frozen storage, but was detected from the third day in the wrap packaging. and the fifth in the top sealing, at room temperature, which exceeded the standard. Sal. spp., V parahaemolyticus, E. coli O157:H7, L. monocytogenes were not detected. 3) The Aw was found to be influenced by storage temperature, period and packaging method, while the VBN was significantly influenced by the storage temperature and period. Regarding the SPC, the pan fried oak mushroom and meat was affected by the storage temperature and period, while the soy sauce glazed hair tail was influenced by the packaging method and storage period. The roasted dodok's microbiological quality was influenced by the method of packaging. The chemical, microbiological quality of home-delivered meals were preserved to be five days in the vacuum packaging, at. chilled and frozen storage.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.205-211
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• 2000

This study was conducted to evaluate the residual effects of basic oxygen furnace (BOF) slag applied in rice paddy fields as soil conditioner one year before. The experimental fields of Lim et al. (2000) located in Youjung and Nampyung were used for this purpose. Both variety (Oryza sativa L. cv. Dongjinbyeo) and cultural practices were the same as those in Lim et al. (2000). Soil chemical properties, plant height, number of tillers per plant, yield and yield components were observed. The temporal variation of treatment mean value in soil chemical properties appeared to be similar trends in both Youjung and Nampyung experimental fields. Soil pH and Ca content were still significantly higher than those in control treatment up to July of the second season, but decreased progressively as time passed. However, the effects lasted longer as slag rate became higher. BOF slag seems to have residual effects as a soil conditioner or Ca fertilizer in soil for two years. BOF slag rate of $4Mg\;ha^{-1}$ raised soil pH almost the same as lime rate of $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$. Content of $SiO_2$ in soil applied slag appeared to be higher compared with control. Fe and Mg content in soil with slag treatment was significantly higher than that of control in 1997, but it was almost the same level as that of control in 1998. In YouJung experimental field, rough rice yield of slag teatment became higher as slage rate incresed. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $5,400kg\;ha^{-1}$ among treatment, which was 14% higher than that of control with $4,720kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively higher plant height and higher number of tillers at the early growth stage compared with other treatments. In NamPyung experimental field, rough rice yield was the highest at the plot of lime rate $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$ and became higher as slag rate increased. There were no significant differences in rough rice yield between lime treatment and slag treatments. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $7,170kg\;ha^{-1}$ among slag treatment, which was 8% significantly higher than that of control with $6,670kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively slower growth in plant height at the early growth stage, but superior growth at the later growth stage, and significantly higher number of spiklets per panicle and 1000-grain weight than that of control.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.1232-1238
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• 2011

This experiment was conducted to measure concentration of dissolved $N_2O$ in ground-water of 59 wells and to make emission factor for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector in agricultural areas of Gyeongnam province from 2007 to 2010. Concentrations of dissolved $N_2O$ in ground-water of 59 wells were ranged trace to $196.6{\mu}g-N\;L^{-1}$. $N_2O$ concentrations were positively related with $NO_3$-N suggesting that denitrification was the principal reason of $N_2O$ production and $NO_3$-N concentration was the best predictor of indirect $N_2O$ emission. The ratio of dissolved $N_2O$-N to $NO_3$-N in ground-water was very important to make emission factor for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector. The mean ratio of $N_2O$-N to $NO_3$-N was 0.0035. It was greatly lower than 0.015, the default value of currently using in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) methodology for assessing indirect $N_2O$ emission in agro-ecosystems (IPCC, 1996). It means that the IPCC's present nitrogen indirect emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$, 0.015) and indirect $N_2O$ emission estimated with IPCC's emission factor are too high to use adopt in Korea. So we recommend 0.0034 as national specific emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector. Using the estimated value of 0.0034 as the emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) revised the indirect $N_2O$ emission from agricultural sector in Korea decreased from 1,801,576 ton ($CO_2$-eq) to 964,645 ton ($CO_2$-eq) in 2008. The results of this study suggest that the indirect Emission of nitrous oxide from upland recommend 0.0034 as national specific emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.153-178
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• 2018

Most operational uses of wind speed data require measurements at, or estimates generated for, the reference height of 10 m above mean sea level (AMSL). On the Ieodo Ocean Research Station (IORS), wind speed is measured by instruments installed on the lighthouse tower of the roof deck at 42.3 m AMSL. This preliminary study indicates how these data can best be converted into synthetic 10 m wind speed data for operational uses via the Korea Hydrographic and Oceanographic Agency (KHOA) website. We tested three well-known conventional empirical neutral wind profile formulas (a power law (PL); a drag coefficient based logarithmic law (DCLL); and a roughness height based logarithmic law (RHLL)), and compared their results to those generated using a well-known, highly tested and validated logarithmic model (LMS) with a stability function (${\psi}_{\nu}$), to assess the potential use of each method for accurately synthesizing reference level wind speeds. From these experiments, we conclude that the reliable LMS technique and the RHLL technique are both useful for generating reference wind speed data from IORS observations, since these methods produced very similar results: comparisons between the RHLL and the LMS results showed relatively small bias values ($-0.001m\;s^{-1}$) and Root Mean Square Deviations (RMSD, $0.122m\;s^{-1}$). We also compared the synthetic wind speed data generated using each of the four neutral wind profile formulas under examination with Advanced SCATterometer (ASCAT) data. Comparisons revealed that the 'LMS without ${\psi}_{\nu}^{\prime}$ produced the best results, with only $0.191m\;s^{-1}$ of bias and $1.111m\;s^{-1}$ of RMSD. As well as comparing these four different approaches, we also explored potential refinements that could be applied within or through each approach. Firstly, we tested the effect of tidal variations in sea level height on wind speed calculations, through comparison of results generated with and without the adjustment of sea level heights for tidal effects. Tidal adjustment of the sea levels used in reference wind speed calculations resulted in remarkably small bias (<$0.0001m\;s^{-1}$) and RMSD (<$0.012m\;s^{-1}$) values when compared to calculations performed without adjustment, indicating that this tidal effect can be ignored for the purposes of IORS reference wind speed estimates. We also estimated surface roughness heights ($z_0$) based on RHLL and LMS calculations in order to explore the best parameterization of this factor, with results leading to our recommendation of a new $z_0$ parameterization derived from observed wind speed data. Lastly, we suggest the necessity of including a suitable, experimentally derived, surface drag coefficient and $z_0$ formulas within conventional wind profile formulas for situations characterized by strong wind (${\geq}33m\;s^{-1}$) conditions, since without this inclusion the wind adjustment approaches used in this study are only optimal for wind speeds ${\leq}25m\;s^{-1}$.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.54-73
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• 2012

In this article, we examined the patterns of activities of the Sarmathians though in a humble measure, with a focus on the regions where the Sarmathian sheaths spreaded. One of the main weapons the mounted nomads like the Scythias, the Sarmathians, and the Alans used at war was a spear. Though complementary, a sword was the most convenient and appropriate weapon when fighting at a near distance, fallen from the horse to the ground. The Sarmathian swords continued the tradition of the Akinakes which the Scythias or the Persians used, but those of the Sarmathians showed some advances in terms of the easiness with which a sword was drawn out from a sheath, and the way the sheaths were worn to parts of a human body. It turns out that the Sarmathian sheaths, which were designed for the people to draw swords easily, having the sheaths attached to thighs through 4 bumps, spread extensively from Pazyryk, Altai, to South Siberia, Bactria, Parthia and Rome. The most noteworthy out of all the Sarmathian sheaths were the ones that were excavated from the 4th tomb in Tillatepe, Afghanistan which belonged to the region of Bactria. The owner of the fourth tomb of Tilla-tepe whose region was under the control of Kushan Dynasty at that time, was buried wearing Sarmathian swords, and regarded as a big shot in the region of Bactria which was also under the governance of Kushan Dynasty. The fact that the owner of the tomb wore two swords suggests that there had been active exchange between Bactria and Sarmathia. It seemed that the reason why the Sarmathians could play an important role in the exchange between the East and the West might have something to do with their role of supplying Chinese goods to Silk Road. That's why we are interested in how the copper mirrors of Han Dynasty, decoration beads like melon-type beads, crystal beads and goldring articulated beads, and the artifacts of South China which produced silks were excavated in the northern steppe route where the Sarmathians actively worked. Our study have established that the eye beads discovered in Sarmathian tomb estimated to have been built around the 1st century B.C. were reprocessed in China, and then imported to Sarmathia again. We should note the Huns as a medium between the Sarmathians and the South China which were far apart from each other. Thus gold-ring articulated beads which were spread out mainly across the South China has been discovered in the Huns' remains. On the other hand, between 2nd century B.C. and 2nd century A.D. which were main periods of the Sarmathians, it was considered that the traffic route connecting the steppe route and the South China might be West-South silk road which started from Yunnan, passed through Myanmar, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and then went into the east of India. The West-south Silk road is presumed to have been used by nomadic tribes who wanted to get the goods from South China before the Oasis route was activated by the Han Dynasty's policy of managing the countries bordering on Western China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.160-189
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• 2010

This study has been designed to grasp the present situation, shapes and meaning of the standing stones and rock pillars in the whole area of Noseong Mountain Fortress in Nonsan City which have never been academically reported yet. Accordingly, the research was carried out to grasp the spatial identity of Noseong Mt. and Noseong Mountain Fortress and the dispersion of standing stones scattered around inside and outside Noseong Mountain Fortress, while the shapes and structural characteristics of stones were investigated and analyzed focusing on Chongsuk Temple, which was considered to have the highest density of standing stones and greatest values for preservation as a cultural property. In consideration of the reference to the 'Top Sa' (tower temple) at the 'Bul Woo Jo' (Article about Buddhism Houses) of 'Shinjoong Dongguk Yeoji Seungram', theoretical existence of the temple according to surveying investigation, and the excavation records of roof tile pieces with the name of 'Gwan Eum Temple', it is presumed that there had been a Buddhist sanctum inside the fortress and it could be connected to the carved letters, 'Chongsuk Temple'. According the observation survey, the 6th place of standing stones among many other places inside the fortress shows that Chongsuk Temple appears to have the strong characteristics of artificially constructed space in consideration of the size of trees and stones, the composite trend of tree and stone composition, and trace of the adjacent well and strand and the construction of stairway leading to the stone gate. Along with the constellation of the Big Dipper carved on a rock at the same space, the stones, on which the letters of 'Shinseonam', 'Chilseongam' and 'Daejangam' were carved, including 'Chongsuksa', and the carved statue of Buddha, which was assumed to be Avalokitesvara Guan Yin, have offered clue which make it possible to infer that the space was a space for Chilseong and Mountain god(Folk Belief) that had originated from the combination of Buddhism, Taoism and folk religion. According to the actual measurement of standing stones at Chonsuk Temple, it was identified that there were big differences in height among 24 stones in total, ranging from 402~29cm and the averaged distance between each stone appeared to be 23.6cm. And the shape of stones appeared to be standing or flat, and various stones such as mountain-like stones and Buddha-like stones were placed in a special arrangement or assorted arrangement, but the direction of the stones had a consistency pointing to the west. And comparing to the trace of construction of ZEN Landscape Garden well known in the country, the three flat stones except for the standing and shaped stones appeared to have the shape of meditation statue, which is the typical formational factors of a ZEN Landscape Garden, on the basis of formational technique of stones. Among them, the flat stone facing the Buddhist saint statue, was formed by way of symbolization of three-mountain stone, which was assumed to be an offering stone for sacrificial food rather than carrying out ZEN Meditation. In consideration of the formation of standing stones at Chong-suk Temple, which was carried out in the composite stoning method based using the scalene triangle with ratio of 3:5:7 in order to seek the in-depth beauty based on the stone statues of three Buddhas where the three factors such as heaven, earth and humans are embodied in the elevated or flat formation, the stones at Chongsuk Temple and the space seemed to the trace of contracted garden construction that was formed with stones for a temple, so that could be used for ZEN meditation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.280-291
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• 2019

A. antiquum, first observed in Jeju Samdo Island in 1949, was designated as the Natural Monument No. 18 in December 1962 in recognition of its academic value. In Korea, it grows in nature only in Samdo in Jeju Island. Although its natural habitat was greatly damaged and almost destroyed due to firewood, stealing, etc. After the emancipation, it has been maintained by the transplantation and restoration. The site observed by this study has been managed as a restricted area since 2011. Since it has been about 20 years since the restoration of the native site in the 2000s, it is necessary to check the official management history records, such as the origin of transplantation and restoration to monitor the changes in the growth status and to control the habitat. As the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are no official records of the individuals transplanted to the restored natural habitat of A. antiquum in the 1970s and 1980s, and there was a controversy about the nativeness of those individuals that were restored and transplanted in 1974 since they were Japanese individuals. The studies of identifying native as the results of this study, we have secured the records of cultural property management history, such as the identification of native species and the transplantation and restoration records. We also examined the change of the growth and development of A. antiquum 20 years after the restoration. There are two sites in natural habitat in Samdo Island. A total of 65 individuals grow in three layers on three stone walls in a site while 29 individuals grow in two columns in the other site. A. antiquum grows in an evergreen broad-leaved forest dominated by Neolitsea sericea, and we did not find any other individuals of naturally growing A. antiquum outside the investigated site. This study checked the distribution of A. antiquum seedlings observed initially after the restoration. There were more than 300 seedling individuals, and we selected three densely populated sites for monitoring. There were 23 A. antiquum seedlings with 4 - 17 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 0.5 - 20 cm in monitoring site 1. There were 88 individuals with 5 - 6 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 1.3 - 10.4 cm in monitoring site 2 while there were 22 individuals with 5 - 9 leaves per individual and the leaf length of 4.5 - 12.1 cm in monitoring site 3. Although the natural habitat of A. antiquum was designated as a restricted public area in 2011, there is a high possibility that the habitat can be damaged because some activities, such as fishing and scuba diving are allowed. Therefore, it is necessary to enforce the law strictly, to provide sufficient education for the preservation of natural treasures, and to present accurate information about cultural assets.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.5-37
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• 2004

A wooden coffin has been given academic attention in Kaya(伽倻), due to the place the stage of Samhan society appropriately in the development of ancient korea history. Special attention must be paid on Dohang-Ri(道項里) woden coffin, since it is expected to explain the origin of Arakaya(阿羅伽倻) in the region of southen korea peninsula. Dohang-Ri wooden coffin is become generally knowen two types, and complete its unique feature in Chin-Han(辰韓) and Byun-Han(弁韓). Recently the fact that Dohang-Ri wooden coffin is discovered only in the king tombs of Chang Won Daho-Ri(昌原茶戶里) and it is remarkable of political connection between Kuya-Kuk (狗邪國) and Anya-Kuk(安邪國). Various ironware unearth of Dohang-Ri has seen similar to that from Daho-Ri, but it has not bronze mirror be maid Chines, symbol with dignity of social position in the ruling ciass. It seems that political unit of Daho-Ri is advanced sociaity and central force than Dohang-Ri in the Byun-Han. The later of two century, I have a think about wooden coffin changes the wooden chamble of Dohang-Ri and Daho-Ri that it go out of sight at AD.2 century. Becouse of possitive achaelogical sites has not confirm, it request radical interpretaion. I inference to accordingly to the it appearance connected of the wars between the eight country of southen regins in korea peninsula at the first half of AD.3 cencury. Exactly, the politial units of Dohang-Ri and Daho-Ri has concentration of trade in Racdong river(洛東江) and Nam river(南江) water system and that give form to coexistence system of economic and political mutuality.