• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.145-166
• /
• 2016

The aim of this investigation was to determine the historical relationship between anti-communism in the United States and military dictatorship in Paraguay. Relations between the two countries have been of great importance since the U.S attempt to obtain hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the Cold War in Latin America, and the balance of power in the La Plata region. The Archives of Terror are official documents of police repression between Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship and the U.S. U.S provided support and aid to Paraguay dictator. Alfredo Stroessner spanned more than half a century. The course of Paraguay-U.S. relation during his regime is illustrative of the flow of real politics in both nations. Not only did Washington had definite diplomatic goals, so did $Asunci{\acute{o}}n$. The relative disparity in power and wealth between the two nations did not necessarily hinder Paraguay's pursuit of international advantage in its relations with the United States.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
• /
• 2016.05a
• /
• pp.93-94
• /
• 2016

본 연구는 선우휘의 <불꽃>을 중심으로 그의 작가의식을 연구한 것이다. 논의 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선우휘의 소설에는 현실도피와 역사의식의 부재가 있다. 둘째, 그는 반공주의에 깊게 영향을 받았다. 셋째, 역사적 각성이 제거된 행동만을 보여준다. 넷째, 냉전 이데올로기에 따른 국가주의에 순응한다. 이런 점에서 그는 반공 이데올로그로 볼 수 있다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.7 no.12
• /
• pp.55-65
• /
• 2007

The commercial value of the Korean animation was developed by the government's policies of revitalizing reform and national harmony from 1960 to the middle of 1980. Especially, the character of the anti communistic animation was organized by the structure of confrontation between South (good) and North (evil). The confrontation was viewed by communism and liberal democracy by red and white (or blue) and a pig or a boy. Such ideology and the policy of Korean culture gave some impact on its culture, for example, movie and animation. The animation became the tool of educating the idea of anti-communism and the policy of Korean culture by firming the policy of anti communism. But that animation of anti communism must not be blamed because it is a general animation of Korea which describes the reality. We have to take a hard view of the time and reconsider it by the new point of view.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.143-177
• /
• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.146
• /
• pp.79-114
• /
• 2018

In this article I investigate the critical fundamental truth of the practical philosophy of Kim Doo-Huhn who has not become known in our Korean society but should be paid respect at any cost in the history of practical philosophy, and whom we should take the important case of a philosophical lesson, focused on 'the Dialectic of Theory of Value' which makes up an essential framework of his practical philosophy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.50-72
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.333-374
• /
• 2009

Korean traditional education emphasizes moral education than any other country or culture. Education is recognized as practical task for self-realization and self-transcendence in traditional Confucian community. This study starts from two questions. First, how moral education in Korea from late in the 19th, when the modernized schooling started, to now can be classified according to social and political circumstances? Second, what is the main issue of moral education in the progress of Korean education after independence from Japanese imperialism? Especially, this study focuses on reflecting and reviewing these issues by context of Eastern moral education. After late in the 19th century, moral education in Korea is divided into three types: "Education for loyalty and filial piety and Moral cultivation", "Citizenship education and Education for anti-communism", and "Moral education and Character education". This study mainly insists these types of moral education distort the sprit by political interests rather than inherit and develop sprit or basic value of moral education. Furthermore, this study discusses characteristic of moral education and way to improve based on important two issues in Korean society; "Nationalism in moral education" and "Western biased education" Making individual's free will into group consciousness in accordance with political power group's interests rather than developing moral community based on each one's character building, nationalism in moral education deepens self-alienation. Western biased education makes self-negation as it considers western as core, and Korea and other traditional ideas as side. This study emphasizes reanalysis Eastern moral education and need effort for understanding of Eastern moral education to overcome Western biased education in Korean moral education.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.307-330
• /
• 2016

This article aims to explain how Gangnam, as a model and standard of compressed urbanization in South Korea, was created. Gangnam and Gangnam-style urbanization need attention not only because they contrast with Korea's urbanization in the past as well as urbanization in the West but also they provide an important model in contemporary Korea's politics, economy and culture. However, there are little studies of how Gangnam's peculiar urbanism was created. To fill this gap, this article will first capture Gangnam's peculiar urbanism as a material landscape and sociocultural lifestyle. Gangnam-style urbanism is (a) materially characterized by high-rise apartment complexes owned by the middle and upper class for dwelling and asset growth and (b) socio-culturally characterized by political conservatism, public indifference, competition over academic performance, appearance, and fashion, and nightlife. Then it will show Gangnam's archetype was created in a spatially and temporally compressed way in and through the spatial selectivity of Korean anti-communist authoritarian developmental state strategies: (1) anti-communism led to the diffusion and accommodation of the population through apartments in Gangnam in the context of its confrontation with North Korea and the fast-growing population of Seoul; (2) military authoritarianism excluded the low-income class and the urban poor from urban development; and (3) the developmental state adopted selective housing policy which treated construction companies and the middle class preferentially through exceptional zoning and price distortions, promoting the construction of apartment in Gangnam and its resultant uneven development.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.1-52
• /
• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• 동북아역사논총
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.150-186
• /
• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.