• Title/Summary/Keyword: 민주사회

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확대 서평-"한국사회와 민주주의", "참여민주주의와 한국사회"를 읽고

  • Yu, Pal-Mu
    • The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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    • s.228
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    • pp.27-27
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    • 1998
  • 한국사회 민주주의론을 다룬 두 권의 책은 80년대 후반 시작된 민주주의 논의의 연장선상에 서 있다는 점에서 공통적이다. 앞의 책이 '민주주의 공고화' 단계에 진입했는지 여부를 중점적으로 다뤘다면 뒤의 책은 참여민주주의에 대한 본격적인 저작이다.

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Influence of Democracy on Social Policy : The Case of Defective Democracy in Korea (민주주의가 사회복지정책에 미치는 영향 : 한국의 결함 있는 민주주의를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Shin-Yong
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.59 no.4
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    • pp.137-162
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    • 2007
  • In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

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사회민주주의, 또 하나의 대안인가

  • Sin, Gwang-Yeong
    • The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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    • s.90
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    • pp.6-7
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    • 1991
  • 기존 사회주의사회들의 위기를 직시하면서 한국에서도 다양한 사회체제의 하나로 사회민주주의에 대한 관심이 일어나고 있다. 한국에서 논의되는 '사민주의'에 대한 관심은 유럽사회의 딜렘마와 북구의 성공적인 복지제도 등 긍정적인 접근방식으로 나타난다. '시민주의'의 한국에서의 가능성에 대한 체계적인 검토는 사회과학적 논의로 다뤄져야 할 것이다.

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정당, 선거와 복지국가: 이론과 선진민주주의 국가의 경험

  • Gwon, Hyeok-Yong
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.17 no.3
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    • pp.5-28
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    • 2011
  • 이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.

Meritocracy and Democracy: in the Context of Confucian Modernity (메리토크라시와 민주주의: 유교적 근대성의 맥락에서)

  • Chang, Eun-Joo
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • no.119
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    • pp.1-33
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    • 2017
  • This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

The Russian Revolution and an Alternative Democracy (러시아 혁명과 대안 민주주의)

  • Ha, Tae-gyu
    • 사회경제평론
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.107-145
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    • 2018
  • This paper presents that in the Russian Revolution 1) socialist and alternative democratic conceptions between Marx and Lenin are very different, 2) the process and cause of failure of realizing Lenin's democratic alternative conception, 3) the interactive expansion process of the party and the state, 4) the failing process of socialist original accumulation, collectivization, and constructing planned economy. This shows that Russia could not help fail to transit to socialist society due to the combination of wrong conceptions and that new revolution and construction should combine right socialist and democratic conceptions.

Comparative Patterns of Political Institutions and Social Policy Developments (정치제도가 사회정책의 발전에 미치는 효과에 관한 비교 연구)

  • Hong, Kyung-Zoon
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.62 no.3
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    • pp.141-162
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    • 2010
  • This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

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Aimé Césaire's postcolonial thought as a 'Non-Western resistance discourse': In terms of speaker, language and counter-discourse ('비서구 저항담론'으로서의 세제르(A. Césaire)의 탈식민주의 비평, 그 가능성과 한계: 화자(話者), 언어(言語), 대항담론(對抗談論)의 측면에서)

  • Choi, Il-Sung
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.51
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    • pp.161-191
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    • 2018
  • In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

A Normative Approach to Data Democracy (데이터 민주주의(data democracy)에 대한 규범적 접근)

  • Heejin Park;Ji Sung Kim
    • Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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    • v.34 no.2
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    • pp.137-158
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    • 2023
  • In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

Legitimacy of Digital Social Innovation and Democracy: Case of Online Petition and Public Problem Solution Project (디지털 사회혁신의 정당성과 민주주의 발전: 온라인 청원과 공공문제 해결 사례를 중심으로)

  • Cho, Hee-Jung;Lee, Sang-Done;Lew, Seok Jin
    • Informatization Policy
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.54-72
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    • 2016
  • This article analyzes the latest cases of Digital Social Innovation such as crowdsourcing and online petitions for public trouble-shooting in oder to demonstrate that public engagement of the citizens on decision making can enhance the quality of democracy. Digital Social Innovation contributes to citizen's participation on decision making and policy implementation with taking advantage of digital technologies of crowdsourcing and online petitions. Active civic engagement for decision making literally helps to improve and democratize government policy. These series of processes not only improve quality and efficiency of policy governance by building up transparency and effectiveness of policy itself but also enhance the throughput legitimacy. With this article, I quote and analyze various practices of Digital Social Innovation which we had substantiated to demonstrate the effectiveness of civic engagement for decision making to improve and enhance democracy. The hypothesis that the Digital Social Innovation attempted in various ways is a principal factor of democratization could be verified. Moreover, the practices of Digital Social Innovation helps the civic participation in policy making in modern society. Finally, this article suggests an implication of Digital Social Innovation as part of efforts to ensure the involvement of throughput legitimacy for the development of democracy.