• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.35-67
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• 2010

이글은 대의민주주의에서의 입법 메커니즘에 대한 이론적 논의를 전개한다. 이러한 논의를 근거로 한국 국회의원의 입법생산성에 영향을 미치는 변수들을 도출하고, 이 변수들이 16대와 17대 국회의 입법생산성에 미치는 효과를 분석한다. 이글의 경험분석은 국회의원의 입법생산성은 이들의 학력, 법조경력, 관직경력, 의정경력 같은 개인적 배경과 서로 무관하다는 사실을 보여준다. 이글의 경험분석에 의하면, 국회의원들의 개인배경보다는 원내 정당간의 역학관계와 소속정당의 여당지위, 그리고 의회요인들이 국회의원들의 입법생산성에 영향을 미치는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 이러한 분석결과는 한국 대의민주주의의 작동과 관련된 함의를 제공한다. 국회의원의 입법활동에 대한 정보를 접하기 어려운 환경에서는 국회의원의 개인배경에 의존하는 국회충원 방식이 대리인문제를 유발할 가능성이 높다. 이글은 국회의원 입법활동에서 발견되는 대리인 문제의 해소를 위한 제도적 방안들에 대해 논의한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.145-170
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• 2011

당원중심 정당조직이 약화되고 있는 정당정치 변화추세 및 진성당원이 절대 부족한 실정에서 의원이나 원외위원장에 의해 동원되고 있는 당원들이 참여하는 경선의 현실적인 한계를 고려한다면, 당원 이외 유권자도 참여하는 보다 개방적인 경선을 지향할 수밖에 없는 상황이다. 이번에 국민경선의 확대내지는 제도화를 목표로 중앙선관위 및 한나라당과 민주당의 개혁특위가 제시하고 있는 공천안, 특히 모든 유권자가 참여할 수 있는 여야 동시 완전국민경선안은 선거인단을 모집하여 실시하는 기존의 제한적 국민경선보다 불공정한 동원, 역선택 등의 문제 해결에 도움이 되리라 본다. 하지만 여전히 해소되야 할 경선 공정성과 관련된 구조적인 문제는 경선이 치러지는 지역의 정당조직이 비민주적으로 운영되는 데에서 비롯되는 경선 후보들 간의 불균형 문제이며, 전략공천이라는 형태로 치러지는 사실상 하향식 공천 역시 경선 공정성을 크게 훼손할 소지가 있으므로 정당의 전략공천 비율은 더욱 축소되어야 할 것이다. 2012년 총선이 임박한 상황에서 현실적으로 무엇보다 시급한 것은 한나라당, 민주당 모두 공천제도 개혁안을 조속히 확정하고 선관위안을 법제화하는 일이며, 이를 통하여 유권자가 참여하는 정당경선의 제도화가 이루어질 때 최근 시민후보의 등장과 같은 시민사회의 도전으로부터 비롯된 정당정치의 위기상황을 더욱 새로운 정당정치로 나아가는 계기로 전환시키는 일도 보다 용이해 질 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.3-40
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• 2013

Establishment and expansion of a FOI regime is a fundamental basis for modern democracy. Informed decisions and supports by the people are critical to establishment of democratic institutions and policies. The best tool to make informed decisions and to ensure accountability is the FOI. For effective FOI, good records management is necessary requirement. This paper observes and analyses the development of the FOI in the U.S., the Open Government policy, and the government records management reforms under Obama Administration to search viable solutions for Korean FOI and public records management reforms. Major revisions and advancement of the FOIA in the United States are examined, especially the revision of the FOIA as the OPEN Government Act of 2007. The FOIA revision enhanced greatly the freedom of information in the U.S. including the establishment of an independent FOI ombudsman by the Congress. The paper also discusses the Presidential memoranda on the Open Government and the FOI by President Obama, the following directives, Presidential memorandum on government records management and the Government Records Management Directive. Major contents of the directives, plans, and achievement are summarized and analysed. Finally, this paper compares the government records management reforms under former President Roh Mu Hyun with the Obama's reform drive. The comparison found that major difference in the "top-down" government records reforms are the difference in democratic institutions such as weak congressional politics, strong bureaucratic obstacles, and relatively weak social and professional supports for the reforms in Korea, while these reforms were similar in terms that they were driven by insightful political leaders. Independent FOI ombudsman and national records administration are necessary for such democratic reforms.

• Venture DIGEST
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• no.10 s.123
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• pp.52-53
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• 2008

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.7
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• pp.157-169
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• 2015

This study focuses on Korea films of historical communication. Narrative analysis was conducted on the films in 2000s including , and <26 Years> that mainly have dealt with the 'Gwangju Democratization Movement'. As a result of the syntagmatic analysis, these films try to stabilize 'social imbalances' in the aspect of individuals and conceals issues of social structure. In addition, the result of paradigmatic analysis reveals that textual factors of 'active involvement of female characters', 'continuity of history through the survivors' demonstrate its strategies to publicize the historical truth. Consequently these films show its limitations that weakens historical meaning by placing unsolved problems of social structure as well as the love story. But rather than describing it as a history of the past, these films act as a catalyst to bring thins specific historical issue to our present lives and publicize it as a current issue. Therefore, the historical film not only allows current generation to remind to history but also to provide an opportunity to publicize the important issues of social structure in the present society.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.41-50
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• 2018

The present article focuses on the cultural arts, the role and functions of people as intermediate to carry out the revitalization of memory. Most of the basic cultural activities and events sparked from the cardinal point of the democratization of Gwangju and the interwoven relationships this created. In other words, the events leading to Gwangju democratization movement have derived from democratic culture and art and they contributed to change and influence South Korea's revolutionary movements. As far as clarifying the concept of culture is concerned, the idea of culture is too wide to encompass it so we aim to narrow it down to the special events of 5.18 democratization movements which launched the national transformation of the cultural stage and the development of democracy in South Korea. Through this, the movement of popular culture and popular arts fostered the revolution of society. Moreover, the value of the 5.18 movement for democratization stems from democracy, human rights, the universal value of peace and so many efforts were made by popular artists until it became upgraded as a national commemoration day. Raising the people's awareness that culture could change the course of history is still necessary so that popular art and culture play a central role in people's lives. In order to fulfill the people's inherent hope it is necessary to promote aesthetic values and a continuous revolution in societal practices.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.13
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• pp.91-112
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to identify effect of superior leadership style in private security service on job satisfaction. The survey research tool was a questionnaire. The subjects of this study were selected from the population of private security service employee's and sampled by using convenience sampling. Data obtained from 448 athletes were used. Questionnaire was used as a tool to attain the purpose of this study, SPSS 12.0 program was used to analyze the data, and statistical tests including correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis were conducted at significance level of p<.05. The results of this study were as follows. First, the democratic behavior, affirmative feedback, training and direction and social support in leadership style have a significant effect on a satisfaction of relation with supervisor. Second, the democratic behavior, affirmative feedback and training and direction in leadership style have a significant effect on a satisfaction of relation with coworkers. Third, the democratic behavior, affirmative feedback and training and direction in leadership style have a significant effect on a satisfaction of work. Fourth, the democratic behavior and authoritative behavior in leadership style have a significant effect on a satisfaction of pay. Finally, the democratic behavior, affirmative feedback and training and direction in leadership style have a significant effect on a satisfaction of promotion opportunity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.