The 10th constitution established in 1987 serves as the theoretical foundation of democracy in South Korea in the 21st century. Respect for human rights, resistance to injustice, and equality consciousness inherent in this constitution do not conflict with the content of Confucian philosophy. This means that the spirit of the constitution of South Korea in the 21st century was formed under the influence of the idea of democracy and Confucian philosophy. However, the 10th constitution attaches importance to the idea of the 'Basic free and democratic order', which was accepted in the Yushin constitution and inherited by the military forces. The Yushin constitution was affected by liberalism that prioritizes freedom over equality rather than supporting the compatibility between freedom and equality. Therefore, policies to expand the interests of the bourgeoisie rather than public welfare or the interests of the public have been implemented frequently. In particular, during the Lee Myeong-bak and Park Geun-hye regimes, many unequal phenomena were mass-produced. Confucian philosophy in the 21st century critically sees this unequal society. Confucian philosophy thinks that a sense of relative deprivation plays a role of alienating humans and emphasizes the importance of equal relationships. In addition, this constitution emphasizes the rule of law. However, the rule of law attaches importance to positive laws when the spirit of the constitution that contains natural law is applied to reality through systems. This rejects autonomous judgments and choices while inducing reliance on heteronomy. These heteronomous laws as such are accompanied by forcibleness. The positive laws as such can degrade humans into passive beings that indiscriminately adapt themselves to frames already set instead of active beings that think freely and creatively. Confucian philosophy regards and criticizes the rule of law as a system that makes humans into a means. Confucian philosophy regards humans as moral beings instead of tools. Confucian philosophy seeks to build a healthy society through morality accomplished through conscious realization of the principles of life. Confucian philosophy regards humans as originally free beings. Therefore, human beings are autonomous beings, not heteronomous beings. According to Confucian philosophy, humans beings that can realize the morality contained in their inner side by themselves to responsibly carry out their own judgments and choices. Therefore, Confucian philosophy, which considers human beings as beings to be trusted instead of beings to be distrusted, attaches importance to the realization of human decency through edification rather than by punishment through the law. This means that human values cannot be kept by the heteronomy termed positive laws but the identity of humans can be maintained by voluntary choices and judgments. As such, the comment of Confucian philosophy on the problems of liberal democracy and positive laws contained in the 10th constitution can be helpful in essentially solving the contradictions of modern South Korean society.
Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.
The conspiracy theories of political events are occurring in every country and society. In Korean society, conspiracy theories about political events are constantly happening. Conspiracy refers to the phenomenon of a particular individual or group who oppose the official causes of social phenomena. Conspiracy is a resistance to the credibility of the state and the government. In Korean society, conspiracy occurs mainly in political events. The conspiracy theories of political events appear in the form of conservatism and progressivism, which seeks to replace political power and political power to stabilize political power. The conspiracy theory about Jang Jun-Ha's death occurred in the process of seeking justification for a person who is resisting the ruling forces. Also, the conspiracy theory of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and the Cheonan Warship Sinking may be a drag on the justification for the justification for the takeover of the new military government and the justification for the Disconnection of inter-Korean relations. In Korean politics, Conspiracy theory is a factor that confuses Korean society regardless of whether it is true or not.
The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$$Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$$Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$$Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.
The purpose of this study is put on the evaluation of public support for media with the case of Special Act on Supporting Local Press whose main purpose can be said to help local press in crisis intending the improvement of news quality. However, it was controversial whether public support on specific media under the governmental leadership, which is related to the disputes on its abrogation with the change of the regime. Therefore, this study tries to evaluate its achievement focused on its effect on the diversity of public opinion especially with the eyes of audience. In-depth interviews were executed to find out whether it had helped local press to improve public interest for the last three years of public support. The interviewees, the readers as well as monitors of local press, answered that there had been some improvement in news quality and diversity of local press in general. However, they thought that fund support for news gathering cost was problematic and would be negative in the long-term perspective. In conclusion, the interviewees regarded Special Act on Supporting Local Press as necessary one to help local press in crisis but pointed out also that the act might not enough to change local press because the situation they were facing is so complex. Hence, this study argues that the evaluation of Special Act on supporting Local Press should be approached Abstracts 683 not on the basis of political logics but of the public interest and democracy.
The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.
Journal of Elementary Mathematics Education in Korea
/
v.21
no.3
/
pp.415-441
/
2017
The purpose of this study is to develop elementary school math classes for the gifted and talented with a focus on social issues to investigate the possibility of character education through specialized subject classes. As suggested in the goals of the math education for social justice, which provide the fundamental theoretical basis, through mathematics activities with a theme of social issues, mathematically gifted and talented young students can critically perceive social issues, express a sense of mathematical and critical agency throughout the course and develop a willingness and mindset to contribute to social progress. In particular, the concept of Figured Worlds and agency is applied to this study to explain the concept of elementary math classes for the gifted and talented with a focus on social issues. The concept is also used as the theoretical framework for the design and analysis of the curriculum. Figured Worlds is defined as the actual world composed of social and cultural elements (Holland et al., 1998) and can be described as the framework used by the individual or the social structure to perceive and interpret their surroundings. Agency refers to the power of practice that allows one to perceive the potential for change within the Figured Worlds that he is a part of and to change the existing Figured Worlds. This study sees as its purpose the fostering of young talent that has the agency to critically perceive the social structure or Figured Worlds through math classes with a theme of social issues, and thus become a social capital that can contribute to social progress.
This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.
The Public Records and Archives Management Law was enacted on June 24, 2009 and was in effect in April 1, 2011. This Act is different from existing Public Archives Law and National Archives Law. Before enacting Public Records and Archives Management Law, Public Archives Law and Information Disclosure Law was the backbone of Japanese Public Records management system. Public Archives Law is composed of management and access for non-active records in Public Archives. Information Disclosure Law is prescribed management of active-records in administrative agency. Public Records and Archives Management Law is the first comprehensive law of managing administrative records including historical records (nonactive-records). The law is prescribed that the public records and archives are intellectual resources shared by citizens and allows people to have more access to them. The law states that public records is basis of democracy and accountability for current and future generation. This article analyzed the relationship of law and its implementing ordinance and Guideline of administrative public records management, and analyzed the law and record-schedule. Furthermore, this article examined significance of the law and democracy, administration's transparency. In accordance with enacting the law, Japanese Public Records Management System will develop. and we must pay close attention to that situation.
The objective of this study was to examine vegetation community structure and distribution of Fraxinus chiisanensis in Mt.Minjuji of Chungcheongbuk-do by setting up and surveying 8 plots (400 m2 each). Mean Importance Value (MIV) of Fraxinus chiisanensis in 8 plots was 35.19% in average (ranging from 26.07~42.74%). Since it is the dominant species in all plots, it is expected to maintain the present vegetation structure. The analysis of the DBH (diameter at breast height) showed that the diameter of Fraxinus chiisanensis in Mt.Minjuji ranges from 2 to 43cm. The majority of Fraxinus chiisanensis is expected to maintain current state unless disturbance or rapid environmental change occurs. The Species Diversity (H') was 0.8498~1.0261, Evenness (J') was 0.8160~0.9256, Dominance Index (D) was 0.0789~0.1840, Maximum Diversity (H'max) was 1.0414~1.2041. The analysis of annual ring and radial growth showed that the average age of Fraxinus chiisanensis in Mt.Minjuji was 29.1years(ranging from 22~58years). The average annual radial growth of Fraxinus chiisanensis was the highest in community G with 5.84mm and the lowest in community B with 2.80mm. The similarity index analysis revealed that the similarity index between community B and E, C and F, H was the highest with 69.0%, and the similarity index between community E and F was the lowest with 29.6%. Both the area of Fraxinus chiisanensis community of Mt.Minjuji and its population size are very small. Therefore, this area needs to be designated as Forest Genetic Resource Reserve.
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