• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.135-156
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• 2010

While there are a few ways of giving meanings to the term, "Altai" ranging from a language family to a national residing around the Altai Mountains in Russian Federation, and to the people speaking the language or the whole area where they live, there have been controversial debates whether it is a meaningful categorization. This paper argues that the basic cause lying beneath the controversies is the underdevelopment of the subject that identifies itself as a representative of the whole area where the Altaic language family is spoken. It might be true, as some Korean and Russian scholars insist, that what deserves to be called Altaic culture (or civilization) has provided a common culture and mutual interactions with the people. However, the Altaic people failed to constitute themselves as a meaningful modern group, that is a nation, and they did not fully develop national consciousness, As a result, although their way of life may be regarded as an origin of various cultures across North-East Asia, Altaic culture is not sufficient to give a momentum to claim for cultural initiative in the region. This comes at least partly from the reconfiguration of ethnic identity through a Soviet type of modernization and its geopolitical situation surrounded by super-powers such as China and Russia, as well as belated import of religions such as Buddhism and Christianity. From a wide perspective, the trouble about delimiting an area is not unique in Altai, but universally found in anywhere, as far as area studies are concerned. The delimitation of an area is not a natural outcome of physical environment but an artificial production of how cultural-political relationships have been distributed. Therefore, while the case of Alai has its own specificities, its implications that a national or regional boundary in area studies should not be taken for granted may be applied to other areas.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.5
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• pp.907-930
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• 2010

Most previous studies on A Gesture Life focused on illuminating the role and significance of Kkutaeh, the Korean comfort woman, whom Hata runs across at a military camp in the Burmese jungle. For instance, Carroll Hamilton argues that the return of Kkutaeh as a traumatic subject disrupts Hata's nationalist narrative, causing the protagonist's eventual failure at national enfranchisement. However, this paper focuses on Hata's relationship with Bedley Run, the sleepy suburban white town, in which the protagonist settles down right after immigration to the US. The racial/racist nature of Bedley Run has not received due critical attention, although a few studies on the novel saw Hata's gestures as a survival tactic deployed against the hostile environment of his new host society. This paper, resorting to Pierre Macherey's thesis on symptomatic reading, exposes what Hata, the narrator/protagonist, hides from his readers concerning his status in his muchbeloved town; and it also explores the subversive significance of Hata's ethnic memories. The aim of this study is, after all, to map both the subversive possibilities and the limitations of Hata's immigrant narrative as a bildungsroman.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.63
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• pp.317-345
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• 2020

The dissolution and reconstruction of the male-centered social structure is being requested, but the Korean church still call on women and understand women's roles by limiting them based on traditional 'normal family ideology' and matherhood discourse. However, considering women's various aspects of life, life cycle, and individuality, confining women to existing biological maternal discourse is not suitable to help women grow as subjective leaders and contribute to society. The Korean church needs to find a new curriculum that encourages women to form subjective beliefs. In the life of Christian women of the period of port-opening, we can examine the process of the Korean Christian women establishing the subjectivity of the challenges of Protestant theology, which included stereotypes, gender division of labor, and matherhood discourse. Korean Christian women shared the oppressive experiences of traditional patriarchy after passing silent and receptive perceptions, forming a subjective perception of their injustice and seeking liberation. And it was able to act as a subject of faith by forming a procedural and constructive awareness within a sympathetic and relational community. The Korean church should reconstruct the Christian women's curriculum by reflecting on the curriculum that women formed themselves over 100 years ago.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.270-285
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• 2020

This study examines the state of archeological research on Silla and Unified Silla conducted in North Korea and identifies its characteristics. In South Korea, most research has focused on prehistoric times in North Korea, and little research has been done on Silla and Unified Silla. Noting this, we attempted to examine the history of archaeological research in North Korea to provide foundations upon which to go forward. The research was examined in terms of general archaeological themes including tombs, fortresses, the capital city, earthenware, roof tiles, ornaments, weapons, and horse harnesses, and we identified four characteristics from the examination. First, Juche ideology had a great influence on interpretation of the unification of the three kingdoms. The Juche ideology was first proposed in 1955, and at the time, it was not fully established as an ideology but rather seen as constituting opposition to toadyism. Accordingly, the unification of the three kingdoms led by Silla was seen as amounting to collusion with foreign forces and was not acknowledged. A piece of evidence shows that this change took place around 1962. Second, an inclination to testify to the 'uniqueness' of the cultures of the three kingdoms is observed. The argument is that culture in the Korean peninsula has unique characteristics that set it apart from Chinese culture, and that the cultures of the three kingdoms share much in common. This inclination was not mentioned in research until the 1950s, and it can be seen as an effort to comply with Juche ideology and prove the principle of unity as stated in the national leader's instructions in the 1960s. Third, the influence of Goguryeo on the formation of Silla culture is emphasized. Related research explains that Baekje, Silla, and Gaya adopted the 'superior' culture of Goguryeo, and could establish 'uniqueness' of culture accordingly. It is claimed that an advanced Goguryeo culture was disseminated throughout Balhae and Unified Silla, and then to Goryeo, resulting in a true unification of the ethnic culture. Fourth, researchers in North Korea presume the Silla tombs and other relics to be far older than South Korean researchers' estimate. From a standpoint of highlighting the long history of Korea, they estimate the Silla Dynasty was founded in the early or mid-first century. Accordingly, archeological evidence that demonstrates the establishment of the state is dated as far back. Such an estimate is also indispensable in justifying the explanation that the chamber tombs of Goguryeo had a direct influence on Silla. These research characteristics which arose during the 1960s continue to be basic guidelines for North Korean researchers.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.427-451
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is (1) to contrast the welfare state formation in Korea with that in Western European nations, and (2) to examine the historical peculiarities of the Korean welfare state formation process. For the analysis, this study uses' contrast of context' logic of comparative history and contrast the process of (1)modern state formation (2) civil society development (3) interventionist state evolution of Korea with those of Western European nations. The findings of this study are as follows: First, the distingushing role of nation state as welfare provider is very different. It is attributed to the difference in the traditional dominance structure and in the nation-bulding process of each case. Second, class cleavage of the Western Eeuropean nations has been continually mobilized for political action and converted into political resources, while it is impossible to achieve such results in Korea which has continued labor excusive regime. Third, the institutionalization patterns of welfare politics are different. In Western Eeuropean nations, public welfare benefits have been able to produce welfare coalitions and politics of solidarity. By contrast, since welfare have been thoroughly depoliticized and informalized in Korea, voters and political parties have not been able to make issues of welfare problem Due to these historical peculiarities, it seems to be impossible that Korea's underdeveloped public welfare could be changeable in near future.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.45-68
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• 2018

This study is focused on viewing the March 1st Movement, a national movement uprisen nationwide during the Japanese occupation period, and women's independence movement from an angle of worldpeace. The March 1st Movement was held nationwide when our national sovereignty was lost, and it can be defined as a form of peace movement in view of world history. Particularly, the March 1st Movement was the people's independence movement without distinction of class, region and sex. The direction of national independence and freedom implied in the independence movement during that time period needs to be interpreted newly in view of world peace. Firstly, the urgent task to complete during that period was to accomplish independence in view of the times and the national people, and it was a form of peace movement. Secondly, the women who participated in the March 1st Movement changed into spontaneous participants or activists for the national independence movement and, thereafter, continued a history of women's independence movement of Korea. Lastly, the March 1st Movement became widespread domestically and to foreign countries such as China, Japan, Russia, Europe and America, so that its spirit of freedom and peace appealed to the weak countries in Asia. Furthermore, it worked as a spiritual support for the independence movement of Korea. As mentioned above, the March 1st Movement needs to be newly understood in view of world peace, and, out of that movement, Korean women's independence movement deserves a highlight as a peace movement stream in the world history of women.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.179-186
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• 2020

Wongyo Lee KwangSa (1705~1777) is a scholar and artist who represented an era in the period of change and revival of Korean culture and art in the 18th century. In 1755 (31st Yeongjo), he was transferred to Sinjido due to the Naju Byeokseo Incident, and died in exile for a total of 23 years. He tried to correct the problems of the flow of calligraphy in common writing and the flow of calligraphy in the Joseon Dynasty, and wrote 『Wonkyo Seogyeol』. By realizing an original artistic state that is evaluated as having completed the 'Dongguk Jinche', which is a unique and subjective and self-conscious calligraphic flow of the Korean people who wants to reestablish the essence of calligraphy, it has had an absolute influence on the Honam area. Wonkyo's calligraphy aesthetics are developed into the beauty of ChanggyeongBalsog based on Shimjin of Yangminghak, Yanggangmi of Power of controlling all the stands of brush hair, and Vitality of Push out the brush with all your might. He recognized free sculpting and energetic, muscular strokes as the key to calligraphy, and suggested honing the old tombstones written in JeonYe. Vibrant stroke means that Cheongi naturally permeates in the midst of Samgwa and Gilgok, and the brush is operated with Push out the brush with all your might of Power of controlling all the stands of brush hair. These calligraphy aesthetics radiated sinchae with geungol and singi, and were expressed in Wongyo font, full of vitality as a living creature, pursuing the unique pilgrimage and pilgrimage unique to our nation, revealing the true nature of nature.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.261-293
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• 2005

This article aims at investigating the origin of 'gookmin', which is currently working as the dominant discourse and leading identity in the South Korean society. Like 'nation', 'people' or/and 'citizen', the term of 'gookmin' is a very much particular and historical outcome of the colonial modernity. Nevertheless, however, there have been not so much serious socio-linguistic, cultural-political studies about its root. It is theoretically as well as practically quite important to trace back the birth of 'gookmin', which is working as an ideological, epistemological frame in/between subject and reality. In this regard, this article will consider the late Japanese colonial period as a key period of the birth of 'gookmin'. It will then critically scrutinize how the total mobilization system by adopted the colonial government has formed the discourse and subjectivity of 'gookmin' based on various physical apparatuses. By revealing that a totalistic nation/state of Japanese colonialism is behind 'gookmin', which wanted to mobilize every individuals into a so-called article of empire, this article tries to show the fascist and propaganda nature of 'gookmin' continuing even after the liberation. As a historical-materialist work of deconstruction the dominant discourse of 'gookmin', this study will basically take a cultural studies approach.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.