• KOREAN POULTRY JOURNAL
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• v.4 no.12 s.38
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• pp.88-89
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• 1972

우리는 지난 11월 21일 국민투표를 통해 역사적인 유신헌법을 절대다수의 찬성으로 가결시켜 유신헌정의 터전을 마련하였다. 그리고 곧 이어서 이 헌법에 의해 새로이 마련될 통일주체국민회의를 구성할 2,359명의 대의원을 선출하기 위핸 선거법과 동시행령이 공포되고, 그 선거를 실시하게 되었다. 통일주체국민회의는 다른 어떤 나라의 헌정에도, 또한 과거 우리 나라에서도 일찍이 없었던 특수한 국가기구로서 남북으로 분단된 우리 민족의 특수한 상황에 입각하여 조국의 평화적 통일을 추구할 수 있도록 국력을 조직화하고 민족주체세력을 형상하는 중요한 기구이다. 그러므로 깨끗하고 올바른 선거로서 가장 양심적이며 능력있고 통일의 시대를 이끌 사명감에 투철하며, 평화통일을 위해 겅실히 노력할 수 있는 인물을 통일주체국민회의대의원으로 뽑아야 할 것이다. 그리하여 안정과 번영, 그리고 조국통일로 민족중흥을 다짐할 유신헌정의 우람한 출범을 위해 견고한 초석을 하져야 하겠다. 그러면 이와 같이 막중한 통일주체국민회의 대의원선거의 의의를 알아 보도록 하자.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
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• 2003.05a
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• pp.45-45
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• 2003

중국은 한민족을 주체 민족으로 하여, 55개 소수민족의 다민족 국가로 구성되어 있다. 소수민족들은 중국 역사에서 정책성 원인으로 산촌·도서·삼림·초원 등의 광활한 지역에 분포되어, 장기간의 폐쇄된 자연경제 상태로, 외래문명의 영향이 미칠 수 없어 민족 발전에는 불리하였으나, 민족복식을 원형에 가깝게 보존해 올 수 있었던 요인이 되기도 하였다. 티벳족의 복식과 그 복식이 불교와 관련해서 받은 영향과 다양한 지역에 분포하게된 경유를 살펴보기로 한다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.213-241
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• 2017

The systematic research on the Joseon history under Japanese imperialism in the 1920s, including that of the Joseon History Compilation Committee, was one of the stratagems that Japan employed to perpetuate the colonization of Joseon. The 'renovation of national traits', one of the three cultural measures taken by Japanese imperialism after the 1919 Independence Movement, was an attempt to degrade Joseon's nationality as extraneous, dependent, factional, and uncivilized. Against this, Koreans tried to create their own tradition that could prove Joseon's uniqueness and independence. The purpose of their study on ancient history, which became animated in the 1920s, was not to escape from the reality of Joseon into the idealized past, but to construct the history of Korean people anew. In this context, Dangun could refer to cultural identity as the communal origin of the nation, and this invented identity could lead to the healing of the injured subject. An Hwak's attempt was part of this efforts to call out myth as history. He suggests that Joseon's national traits are superior even to the Western civilization in several ways, and his vast plan to set up Joseon's cultural uniqueness and identity as history of universal civilization bore fruit in the History of Joseon Civilization. With cultural research for figuring out Joseon's national peculiarity and identity and historiography for revealing Joseon's national potential, he makes it possible for people to imagine various agents in the Joseon's past as belonging to a single nation with an identical history. Through his study on Joseon, he fought back the Japanese colonial view of history and tried to exalt national consciousness. Asserting independent and rational individuals as agency of civilization and culture though firm in the national perspective, he eventually went a way quite different from that of Japanese history of culture.

• 대학교육
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• s.138
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• pp.9-14
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• 2005

고등교육의 국제화 과정은 분명 피할 수 없는 시대의 요구이다. 민족과 국가 고유의 정체성을 유지하는 동시에 인류 공통의 이익과 상호 조화를 추구하면서, 세계적 수준의 지식 창조 주체로 도약해야 하는 한국 대학들이 향후 몇 년 동안 대학교육의 국제화 과정에 적응해 가는 방식은 이후 우리 고등교육의 진로를 결정짓는 중요한 이정표가 될 것이다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.7
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• pp.598-608
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• 2016

This paper attempts to analyze the narrative strategy of co-produced transnational romance films, (2007) and (2010). These films were produced during the heyday of Korean wave, the phenomenon Korean popular culture enjoys overseas fandom. Coupling Korean male star with Japanese female star, and dramatizing their romance, the industries attempted to attract the nations' cultural consumers. International co-production has been considered as a mode of production strategic enough to penetrate into neighboring nations. One of the major benefits of international co-production is to cope with 'cultural discount' between nations. Since producers and directors from different cultural background can participate in the creative process and share ideas, they can devise quite strategic form and content to please culturally heterogeneous consumers. Korea and Japan have long been in socio-political conflict, which makes it crucial for these films' cultural producers not to stir spectators' nationalism. In other words, these films' cultural producers had to develop a narrative strategy not to analogize nations' political reality. This paper, therefore, aims to analyze the narrative structure of these films, and to specify narrative strategy in detail.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.146-160
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• 2009

Recent studies on development are increasingly focusing on analyzing development discourse and de constructing its institutionalization process in the nation-state. By pushing up the limit of the research on development, these studies particularly emphasize how development is articulated with the nation-state, its governmentality, and various representations. These studies overall consider development a powerful discourse, which invents under-development, mobilizes resources for changing particular space, and institutionalizes modem systems of socio-spatial control at a local scale. In this sense, it is particularly interesting to look at how the nation-state, faced with the deterritorialization of labor and capital, reterritorializes overseas resources and networks for the purpose of development. By problematizing the Overseas Koreans Foundation as a transnational state apparatus, this paper interrogates the way in which its institutionalized practices conjure up the national imagination, ethnic solidarity, and collective allegiance to the homeland in diaspora communities. This paper conclusively reports that the state apparatus circulates the discourse of transnational nationalism in Korean diaspora so as to appropriate their resources and networks for securing foreign currencies and investment in the homeland.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.296-318
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• 2015

The Bru-Van Kieu, one of ethnic minorities in Vietnam, have lived in the mountainous area along the border with Laos for centuries. Approximately by the end of the Second Indochina War, the Bru-Van Kieu were still a kinship-based and non-stratified societal group relying mainly on subsistence economy. Their traditional physical geography, nonetheless, has been transformed vigorously during the last few decades as a result of state-formation processes and changes in macro-economic policies. The paper aims to examine how ethnic minority adapt their livelihood to challenges instigated by macro political and economic processes. By examining livelihood adaptation of the Bru-Van Kieu, the study also identifies strategies that ethnic minorities use to negotiate with more powerful political and economic forces. The authors argue that the Bru-Van Kieu have deployed a strategy combining everyday resistance to maintain their limited social and cultural agencies and utilizing of these agencies in economic adaptation with other cross-ethnic non-state actors, enabling them to tap into new type of resources and opportunities.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.213-238
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• 2017

This paper aims to point out that the contemporary textbook is a common cognitive construct, and that the realistic drawings in the textbooks have played an important role in shaping the world recognition. The main subjects of this study are the racial-ethnic illustrations of elementary school geography textbooks, published by the Japanese Ministry of Education, the Japanese Government-General of Taiwan and Korea, the educational association of Manchu. By comparing the same factors in various textbooks, it examines how the temporal and spatial recognition of the world is adjusted by visual representation. The main findings of this study are three fold. First, the world was introduced to the extent of the sum that the census and the classifications of racial and ethnic groups were adopted. And the world appeared later in the year supported by the racial and ethnic minorities. Second, the expressive style of racial and ethnic groups changed from an emphasis on a heterogeneous part as an object of scientific observation in the early stage to a later one with a life culture similar to the reader. Third, racial ethnic illustrations have been used differently depending on the publishing region in the Empire, giving readers in different regions with different images of the same category. In many cases, it was possible to know the politics of representation and the use of certain racial ethnic illustrations. The textbooks of the first half of the 20th century gave great recognition to the people who could not meet with the readers by using the illustrations. A child in the mainland is aware of his position in a "viewing position" while viewing various empire people through the textbook. On the other hand, in the textbooks of the colonial children, they stood in the position of 'being seen', and showed a change in internalizing the position of the mainland along with the expansion of the empire.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.215-223
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• 2020

After the war, the circle literature movement took place in Japan around the 1950s. The subjects of the national movement, the Korean-Japanese, have produced and expanded their political rights and claims through circles and organs in conjunction with the literary movement. However, the results of analyzing the exchanges and conflicts between the political subjects of the Korean national movement and the literary circle movement as a concrete case to date are still insignificant. After liberation, the endless worries and confrontations to the post-colonialization of literary Koreans in Japan were analyzed as 'community with Republic of Korea and Japan', 'topic and creative language', and as 'conflict with Korean association in japan'. The process leading to dissolution was analyzed. The spirit of the era of Koreans in Japan in the 1950s identified in this paper is expected to suggest a new direction for the starting point of study of the humanities in Japan.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.